著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

錦正社

雑誌

軍事史学 (ISSN:03868877)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.64-84, 1997-06

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

錦正社

雑誌

軍事史学 (ISSN:03868877)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.4-28, 2015-09

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.12-24, 2010-03-24

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Fustel de Coulange considered that ancient Greeks had never had any private spheres in their poleis and the polls was a fusion of state and society. In the entry 'polis' in the 3^<rd> edition of OCD 0. Murray basically followed his ideas and gave Sparta as a typical example. Thus the general understanding seems to have been that polis could not be translated as 'state'. M. Hansen, however, argued against taking Sparta as a typical case and insisted that there was a differentiation between public and private spheres in Athens and many other poleis and consequently concluded that we may view a polis as similar to a modern state. However S. Hodkinson, as part of his studies aimed at rescuing Sparta from a 'fossilized society' themepark and normalizing her position as a polis, objected to the idea that Sparta was a polis where the state and society were inseparably fused together. He argued that Xenophon showed no clear cases of Spartan authorities taking active control over every aspect of Spartan citizens' life in his Lakedaimonion Politeia which is the most credible source concerning the Classical Spartan society. Moreover, building on Humble's thesis that the characteristic feature of Spartan citizens was not σωψροσυνη but αιδωζ, it seems that Spartan citizens were only careful how they behaved in public spaces and in private they could do as they pleased. Therefore it can be recognized that there was a distinction between the public and private sphere in Sparta. Indeed, not only Xenophon, but also Thucydides painted the picture of the Spartan society as a system of voluntary corporations among citizens rather than one of severe controls over them. Hodkinson then insisted that there was no social control on the part of the Spartan authorities, but only social pressure from the citizens themselves within their society. I agree with his conclusion regarding the importance of social pressure in Sparta, but I do not think that there was no social control over the citizens, because the existence of social pressure reveals the existence of Gramsci's theory of the 'hegemony'. I think it is a flaw in Hodkinson's argumentations that he did not point clearly to the substance of the authorities in Sparta so that the reality of social control became obscured. In order to complement his contention, I would introduce the thesis on which Berent insisted in a series of articles, namely, that a polls is not a state but a stateless society. A polis did not have the public coercive power so that Greeks had to devise ways to keep order in their polis and prevent an outbreak of a stasis. If we are right to perceive a polis as a stateless society, it followed that it was of paramount importance for Greeks to reach consensus on public matters. As a result, politics became entangled with ethical considerations and education which internalized ethics became important. In consideration of this context, the images of Spartan society seem fit for achieving consensus among its citizens, the fact that made it an object of high esteem among other Greeks. We should realize from this conclusion that a polis was not a monolithic entity and that it was susceptible to being torn apart because of the lack of public coercive power, and that Sparta (and Athens) were exceptional in preserving their stability.

著者

長谷川 岳雄

出版者

経済教育学会

雑誌

経済教育 (ISSN:13494058)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.39, pp.87-92, 2020-09-30 (Released:2021-11-12)

参考文献数

9

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人生100年時代において,職業人生の移行期であるトランジション(転機)が増える。後悔は,そのトランジション(転機)において生じる可能性が高い。本研究では,日本人ビジネスパーソンの後悔の内容と特性を明らかにするために,20年以上のビジネス経験を有する現役の387名のビジネスパーソンにWeb調査を実施した。 行為後悔(やった後悔)と強い後悔は役に立つということが示唆された。行為後悔と強い後悔は,その後の思考・行動の変化に反映される可能性が高い。そして,後悔の後に自身の思考・行動に反映(変化)させたことを通して,キャリアの満足度にポジティブな影響を与えている。行動することは重要であるが,その後の内省・反映が更に重要であることが示された。

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

東洋大学

雑誌

東洋大学文学部紀要. 史学科篇 = Bulletin of Toyo University, Department of History, the Faculty of Literature (ISSN:03859495)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.310(047)-274(083), 2020-03

著者

淺田 正博 長谷川 岳史 野呂 靖 大谷 由香 鶴田 大悟 村上 明也 小野嶋 祥雄 鍵和田 聖子

出版者

龍谷大学佛教文化研究所

雑誌

龍谷大学仏教文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:02895544)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.84-97, 2011

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, pp.12-24, 2010-03-24 (Released:2017-05-23)

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Fustel de Coulange considered that ancient Greeks had never had any private spheres in their poleis and the polls was a fusion of state and society. In the entry 'polis' in the 3^<rd> edition of OCD 0. Murray basically followed his ideas and gave Sparta as a typical example. Thus the general understanding seems to have been that polis could not be translated as 'state'. M. Hansen, however, argued against taking Sparta as a typical case and insisted that there was a differentiation between public and private spheres in Athens and many other poleis and consequently concluded that we may view a polis as similar to a modern state. However S. Hodkinson, as part of his studies aimed at rescuing Sparta from a 'fossilized society' themepark and normalizing her position as a polis, objected to the idea that Sparta was a polis where the state and society were inseparably fused together. He argued that Xenophon showed no clear cases of Spartan authorities taking active control over every aspect of Spartan citizens' life in his Lakedaimonion Politeia which is the most credible source concerning the Classical Spartan society. Moreover, building on Humble's thesis that the characteristic feature of Spartan citizens was not σωψροσυνη but αιδωζ, it seems that Spartan citizens were only careful how they behaved in public spaces and in private they could do as they pleased. Therefore it can be recognized that there was a distinction between the public and private sphere in Sparta. Indeed, not only Xenophon, but also Thucydides painted the picture of the Spartan society as a system of voluntary corporations among citizens rather than one of severe controls over them. Hodkinson then insisted that there was no social control on the part of the Spartan authorities, but only social pressure from the citizens themselves within their society. I agree with his conclusion regarding the importance of social pressure in Sparta, but I do not think that there was no social control over the citizens, because the existence of social pressure reveals the existence of Gramsci's theory of the 'hegemony'. I think it is a flaw in Hodkinson's argumentations that he did not point clearly to the substance of the authorities in Sparta so that the reality of social control became obscured. In order to complement his contention, I would introduce the thesis on which Berent insisted in a series of articles, namely, that a polls is not a state but a stateless society. A polis did not have the public coercive power so that Greeks had to devise ways to keep order in their polis and prevent an outbreak of a stasis. If we are right to perceive a polis as a stateless society, it followed that it was of paramount importance for Greeks to reach consensus on public matters. As a result, politics became entangled with ethical considerations and education which internalized ethics became important. In consideration of this context, the images of Spartan society seem fit for achieving consensus among its citizens, the fact that made it an object of high esteem among other Greeks. We should realize from this conclusion that a polis was not a monolithic entity and that it was susceptible to being torn apart because of the lack of public coercive power, and that Sparta (and Athens) were exceptional in preserving their stability.

著者

長谷川 岳

出版者

日本作業療法士協会

雑誌

作業療法 (ISSN:02894920)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.5, pp.556-561, 2016-10-15

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要旨:本論は,家族の希望により約7年間長期入所し当施設で最期を迎えた事例に対し,洗濯を通して死去される前まで事例らしく生活を送れるよう援助できた実践の報告である.A氏は衣類の整理にこだわりがあった.そこで,A氏が在宅生活で行っていた洗濯が,役割のある作業になる可能性があるのではないかと考え,導入した.洗濯は,開始してから体調不良時以外,拒否することは一度もなかった.またA氏は家族に自己の存在をアピールするようになり,日々の生活の一部として定着した.また役割をもつことにより,自分が自分らしくいられる礎となった.そして洗濯を最期まで継続して行え,A氏らしく過ごすことができた.

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

錦正社

雑誌

軍事史学 (ISSN:03868877)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.51-74, 2001-06

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

日本西洋古典学会

雑誌

西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.79-89, 1994-03-28 (Released:2017-05-23)

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The nature of assemblies convened at the synodoi and the synkletoi in the second century B. C. is one of the most inextricable questions in the study of political organizations in the Achaian Confederacy. This is because Polybios' descriptions on the Achaian Confederacy are replete with contradictions. This paper investigated the question above by re-examining the evidence concerning Achaian assemblies. It is generally accepted that the synodos and the synkletos are not terms indicating the bodies of the assemblies. "Synodos" merely means a regular meeting, held four times a year, while "synkletos" means a specially summoned extraordinary meeting. Many scholars have thought that a primary assembly had been originally convened and resolved all subjects in the synodoi, but after regulations were introduced in the late third century B. C. which forbade summoning the primary assembly except for special subjects, e. g. alliance, war or written communications from the Roman Senate, the synkletos was created to deal with important subjects and the synodos began to deal only with routine subjects. This assumption is mainly based on Polybios' description of the synkletos held in Sikyon in 169 B. C. His writings indicate that this synkletos was assembled to discuss military aid to Egypt after an appeal that it was illegal to discuss this subject in the synodos was made. The synkletos was opened not only to the boule but also to all citizens over thirty. Based on this information, the synkletos was generally regarded as a primary assembly which dealt with special subjects. If, however, a primary assembly was convened in the synkletos, two problems arise. First, the membership of this meeting excluded citizens in their twenties and those serving in the Achaian army. This contradicts several passages which imply that the Achaian army occasionaly acted as the equivalent of an assembly. Therefore, it was not an ekklesia that was summoned in the synkletos. Second, military aid was not a subject which required summoning the primary assembly(cf. XXVII. 2. 11-12). Furthermore, several kinds of assemblies could be specially summoned. In concluson, "synkletos" referred not only to a specially summoned primary assembly but also to all kinds of assemblies which were specially summoned (i. e. in the Greek original sense). Therefore, another explanation is required for Polybios' description that the synkletos was specially held in Sikyon. For this purpose, the synodos in the second century B. C. should be examined. Many studies have centered on the synodos and attempted to prove that a specific assembly, either a boule or an ekklesia, was convened in every synodos. Unless, however, one abandons this preconceived idea that earlier scholars have had, the contradictions between the two types of synodoi, a boule and an ekklesia that were mentioned in Polybios' descriptions, are inextricable. By careful examination of the descriptions, it is evident that an ekklesia convened in the synodos dealt with subjects prescribed by the regulations mentioned above to be resolved by an ekklesia, while boulai convened in synodoi dealt with subjects which were not prescribed by the regulations. Besides, Polybios' narrative on the synodoi implies that the magistrates were summoned before a synodos to discuss the subject. In conclusion, one can say that the federal magistrates chose the body of the assembly according to the subject to be dealt with by each synodos as well as by each synkletos. This assumption explains why the synodos held in 168 B. C. could not deal with military aid for Egypt. Since the magistrates summoned an ekklesia in this synodos disregarding that this subject could not be discussed in an ekklesia, a synkletos was specially convened in Sikyon to discuss the matter. One concludes upon these re-examinations that the Achaian assemblies,(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.3, pp.451-460, 2014-03-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

長谷川 信美 西脇 亜也 平田 昌彦 井戸田 幸子 飛佐 学 山本 直之 多炭 雅博 木村 李花子 宋 仁徳 李 国梅 SCHNYDER HANS 福田 明 楊 家華 郭 志宏 李 暁琴 張 涵 李 海珠 孫 軍 宋 維茹 ガマ デチン NAQASH J&K Rashid Y KUMAR Ravi AUERSWALD Karl SCHÄUFELE Rudi WENZEL Richard 梶谷 祐介 小田原 峻吾 平川 澄美 松嶺 仁宏 佐野 仁香 長谷川 岳子 坂本 信介 樫村 敦 石井 康之 森田 哲夫

出版者

宮崎大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2011-11-18

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中国とインドにおいて、放牧方式の違いが高山草原生態系へ及ぼす影響について調査を行った。東チベット高原では、暖季放牧地が寒季放牧地よりも植物種数が多く、種数密度と地上部現存量は低かった。土壌成分は、2012年と2004年間に差はなかった。牧畜経営では、ヤクが財産から収入源への位置づけに移行する動きが見られた。また、クチグロナキウサギの生息密度と植生との関係について調査した。インドの遊牧民調査では、伝統的な放牧地利用方法により植生が保全されていることが示された。衛星画像解析では、植生は日射、気温、積雪日数等に左右され、経年的な劣化も示された。ヤク尾毛の同位体元素組成は地域と放牧方式等で異なった。

著者

桜井 万里子 橋場 弦 師尾 晶子 長谷川 岳男 佐藤 昇 逸身 喜一郎

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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古代ギリシア世界、とりわけポリス市民共同体において、前古典期までに成立、発展してきた社会規範と公共性概念に関して、その歴史的発展の様相を明らかにするとともに、古典期におけるそれらのあり方、とりわけ公的領域と私的領域の関係性を、法や宗教など諸側面から浮かび上がらせた。