著者

倉光 ミナ子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.383-395, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

36

---

A lot of research on reclamation settlements has been done by Japanese geographers. Most of it has been the studies developing statistical data and not focusing on the consciousness of the settlers who actually built the settlements. The culture, especially ritual, transplanted from their homeland to their new settlement has a significance as a symbol in the process of settling. The purpose of this study is to consider the relationship between the formation of reclaimed settlements and ‘revived’ ritual in terms of the settlers.The field of the study, ‘Miyuki-cho’, is formally divided into Nishimiyuki and Higashimiyuki-cho in Toyohashi-shi. It was settled immediately after the Second World War. In 1945, a group of people from Toyone village, the north-eastern part of Aichi Prefecture, started to settle in this area. That was a policy of Toyone village because of its lack of land for cultivation. As reclamation was conducted by Iwanishi agricultural cooperative association, this settlement became a highly united one in comparison with other settlements. In 1949, the Miyuki shrine was established as a result of transplanting a part of their original settlements' shrines. This provided the necessary setting for the settlers to start a ritual, Hanamatsuri, in 1956.There were two contexts in reviving Hanamatsuri. First, the tools for Hanamatsuri were transferred from the people of the Bunchi settlement in Toyone village, who had to move from their original site because of the construction of the Sakuma dam. Among the tools Onimen (mask of gods) is the most crucial one and is the object of worship by the people. Secondly, the cognition of the people concerning Hanamatsuri is significant. They used to learn Hanamatsuri customs in their youth in their home village. It was natural for the people to practice Hanamatsuri and they never questioned its meaning.In conclusion, the settlers started Hanamatsuri as it was indispensable for their life. It was important to revive Hanamatsuri in the process of developing settlements as it meant a final success of their reclamation for the settlers. In sum, in considering the formation of the reclamation settlements, not only physical and economic points of view, but also socio-cultural and subjective viewpoints are necessary.

著者

金井 年

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.265-281, 1981-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

1 1

---

Historical documents show us that many Jinaichos were established around 1530's and '40s. So, I'd like to call them the second stage Jinaicho as well, the former ones of them, the first stage, the later ones, the third stage Jinaicho. I intend in this paper to clarify the process how the city plan has changed during these three stages.At first, on the topographical condition of location, places where Jinaichos are located can be classified into, (1). Plateau or hill, (2). river-terrace, (3). natural levee, (4), low swamp. The third is a good place not only for Jinaicho, but also for any other settlement, however, the first and the second must have been for the protection of the town. In respect of topography, the defence of the town has become weak for ages. And, when Jinaicho was constructed, Jori system was utilized as basic lines in many cases. This rule is the most notable in the second stage.Next, I consider the inside plan of the town from the following viewpoints. a, The scale of the town and its transformation…… The scale of Jinaicho tends to center especially upon some definite sizes, among them four square scale can be regarded as the “standard” size of Jinaicho. Moreover, we must not miss that the scale of the town is not necessarily original one, but can be found to expand or reduce in some cases. b. The position. of the principal temples…… The temple which dominates the town is almost situated at southern or western side of the town. c. How many moats enclose the town? d. Are the refraetions of roads in the town remarkable or not?…… I put up these two as the indicators which show the degree of the protective function of the district. As far as these two items are concerned, those protective functions remain even in Jinaichos established in modern ages. By the way, on the Japanese castle town, the district plan is considered at the level of “form of block” (machiwari), and “plotting of residental areas” (yashikiwari) (cf. Yamori “The Study of City Plan”).Here, I'd like to approach the characteristics of Jinaicho at one more micro-scopic level, i.e, from the viewpoint of “house type”. Then we notice there are two types of Jinaicho. We find that one is where the residental district is made up of urbanstyle houses, and the other is fundamentally, the same type as farmhouses. Now, I temporarily call the former, “Urban” Jinaicho, and the latter “Rural” Jinaicho.Such difference, is, I assume, caused upon whether agricultural factors have remained in the town or not. Considering not only above-mentioned a. to d. items, but also other factors, the pattern of Jinaicho's transformation can be summarized as follows; In the first stage, Jinaicho Plan have gradually been arranged, and completed in Yamashina, In the second stage, many Jinaichos are constructed according to its arranged plan. But in third stage, we can see the collapse of the plan, however, some Jinaichos, such as the inhabitants took initiative at the establishment of the town, succeed to the same plan as in the second stage. Moreover, we must pay attention to the geographical arrangement of Jinaicho, too. That is, the first stage is in the age of searching for the suitable place for construction, in the second stage, Jinaichos are constructed in the form of encircling Ishiyama.Finally, there remains the problem to explain the relations between Jinaicho and other kinds of settlements, but I have not had my distinct idea upon this problem yet. Therefore I will take up this problem as my next theme.

著者

吉田 道代

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.360-364, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

30

著者

千葉 徳爾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.5, pp.449-462, 1964

---

It is said that in the village communities of the Shima Peninsula, though they have similarity in natural conditions and historical background, their traditional folk-customs are varied in all aspects. I also had my own experience when I was a member of the research committee for folk-customs in the district. For instance, the customary abdication system of the headship of a family, found at Kou Village, in the eastern end of the Peninsula and famous in its separate type of each household, has not found its resemblance in any other place in the vicinity.<br>I have been interested in this problem from the geographical standpoint, and here present a preliminary essay which will explain some of it. I think that the regional differences in various phases of these customs have been made in comparatively recent times, and that before that they had been alike in any village of this Peninsula, because the fragments of the ancient customs in some villages have the common features with the other Japanese folk-customs. One of the causations would be the destructions of frequent typhoons and tsunamis. The detailed explanation will be given in my future report when I get more certain data. In this introductory report, accordingly, I have explained those which have been regarded as the instances of the compultion of the community are, in fact, those of the transformation of the age class system which was characteristic of the ancient community, by seeing the following examples: the abdication system in Kou Village, the ceremonies of the contracts between formal fathers and formal sons in Matsuo Community and the system of theocratic self-government in Tategami Village Block Association.<br>The origin of the age class system in this Peninsula is a historical problem still to be elucidated. But it may be an important geographical factor that these folk-customs passed through the Meiji Era, an age of great reforms, and was affected by the governing classes of the villages because of their remote locations.

著者

小谷 真千代

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.330-351, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

108

被引用文献数

3

---

Since the 1970s, neoliberalist deregulation and increased flexibility in the labor market have led to increasingly expansive use of labor market intermediaries (LMIs) between employers and employees in many sectors. LMIs not only eliminate mismatch in the labor market, but also play an active market-making role. In Japan, one of these LMIs, referred to here as ‘labor contractors,’ grew through the employment of Japanese-Brazilian labor with the sharp growth of the electronics and auto industries in the 1970s to 1980s.The purpose of this study is to examine the process of market expansion of labor contractors focusing on geographic sectorial expansion strategies, from the point of view of LMIs as an active agency. This study introduces the case of Minokamo City, Gifu Prefecture, a city with a high ratio of indirect employment in manufacturing and the use of migrant workers.Following their deregulation in 1952, LMIs in Japan have expanded into various sectors including manufacturing. More recent neoliberalist deregulation has generally liberalized LMI’s businesses, developing favorable environments for them.In the context of the labor shortage in the electronics and auto industries in the 1980s, labor contractors, such as LMIs in manufacturing, geographically expanded their labor sources to include Brazil. In the recession of the 1990s, labor supply destinations were expanded to lower-paying and more volatile sectors, where Japanese workers were unwilling to work, and geographically to the peripheral areas including Minokamo City, one particular city that had experienced a labor shortage due to rapid industrialization in the 1980s.After 1992, labor contractors supplied extensive Japanese Brazilian labor to manufacturing plants in Minokamo City, but the worldwide financial crunch in 2008 affected their market. As a result, they expanded their markets by geographic sectorial strategies in order to overcome the crisis.The case of Company A reveals that labor contractors could survive the crisis by expanding their market to lower-paying and more volatile sectors for unemployed Japanese Brazilians in the electronics and auto industries. Although the population of Japanese Brazilians greatly decreased, labor contractors continued expanding their market by looking for people who could assume the roles of Japanese Brazilians.Moreover, those business activities of labor contractors consist of a relationship beyond the triangular relationship between the LMI, employee, and client. Their business became well established in Minokamo through economic relations around residences for labor or parking spaces for labor contractors, participation in the local community, and establishment of opportunities for certification, etc. Labor contractors and local actors interact in diverse ways, and their relationships have deepened following the crisis.The businesses of labor contractors lead to the expansion of a short term labor market, which is preferred by neoliberalism, and to the expansion of precarious work situations. The neoliberalist labor market reforms since the 1990s obviously have driven the business growth of labor contractors, and consequently they shape neoliberalist restructuring in the labor market. Consequently, this market expansion by labor contractors in Minokamo City could be seen as a neoliberalist restructuring process.

著者

曹 婷

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.5, pp.416-431, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

31

---

Xi’an is one of China’s most historically and culturally renowned cities and is well known for its preservation and maintenance of local historical sites. During the 1990s three representative historical streets, Shu Yuan Men, Bei Yuan Men and De Fu Xiang were restored. By focusing on the management of these three streets this paper examined the present state of Xi’an’s conservation strategy.The author introduced the history and origin of these streets, as well as their conservation plan. Due to oversights in the conservation philosophy and unscientific techniques used in the reconstruction, the residents of these streets now face many problems.From data collected in June 2005, the author examined in detail the conservation of the three streets, changes in the local population make-up, the operation of local stores, and references interviews with locals and residents of Si He Yuan traditional housing. Through this examination, the author demonstrated that the attempt at conserving these historical streets was unsuccessful given that the small alterations to the landscape only caused more problems for the local residents.By referring to information gained from Japanese conservation strategies, the author proposed several solutions. For example: private initiative conservation, intensive studies of architectural criteria and character, and other recommended improvements to the restoration process.

著者

高橋 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.5, pp.479-505, 1972

被引用文献数

1

---

To provide against the invasion from the Korean Peninsula or the Asiatic Continent, a lot of ancient castles had been constructed on the hills in Northern Kyushu and at the seasides of the Inland Sea since the 7th century to the Nara era. They are those hilly castles which had been described in the documents, as well as the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo;, although its original form had been unclarified. Discussions had been repeated about the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo; since the Meiji era, and finally the result of the recent excavation survey verified them as the castles on the hill.<br>In this treatise they are histrico-geographically followed up. Having examined each of them for their position and function etc., it had turned out clear that they located at the spots where command a very fine view and are advantageous to be able to occupy the important military and communicative areas. In addition to it, they are usually constructed so abutting to the provincial capital &ldquo;Kokufu&rdquo; that it is easily surmised that they must be fortified with a purpose of defending it in emergency. Moreover, the castles on the hill together with the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo; seemed to be equipped with the facilities of signal fire as transmission means of alarm.<br>At any rate, unlike the citadel &ldquo;Josaku&rdquo; in the Tohoku district, it is to be concluded that the ancient castles on the hill in the Western Japan were, for their position, fortification and scale, systematically and intentionally established and disposed from a national point of view.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.3, pp.215-263, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

著者

矢守 一彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.6, pp.563-577, 1959-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

上杉 和央

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.4, pp.457-476, 2018 (Released:2018-12-31)

参考文献数

43

---

景観に刻まれた過去の記憶をめぐる問題は,歴史と地理の2つの視点を必要とする論点であり,沖縄戦の舞台となった沖縄は,そうした議論の事例地の1つとして相応しいものである。ただし,これまでの研究のほとんどが激戦地のなかでも糸満市域を事例としたものであった。本稿はこうした状況をふまえ,糸満市と同じく激戦地として知られる八重瀬町を事例として選択し,1972年以前に建立された沖縄戦戦没者慰霊碑の建立経緯や変化をたどり,慰霊空間の形成された過程を論じることで,沖縄戦の死と追悼の景観のより多様な状況を提示することを目的とする。八重瀬町域には富盛地区と具志頭地区に慰霊空間が形成されているが,そうした慰霊空間の地理的偏差の生じた背景には,慰霊碑の建立や慰霊空間の整備に関わった地区住民,琉球政府や沖縄遺族連合会,また県外の遺族といった多様な主体の動きが重要であったことを明らかにした。また慰霊空間として明確に選択される場所には歴史的・地理的な要因があったことを指摘した。

著者

Rosalia AVILA-TAPIES

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.174-188, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

被引用文献数

4 6 4

---

There are many studies on Japanese internal migration, however the movements of foreigners living in Japan have not been studied specifically until now, in part due to data unavailability. This study tries to clarify the in- and out-migration patterns of the Japanese and foreign population living in the centre of a metropolis, selecting as a research area the Ikuno Ward in Osaka city. Ikuno Ward has been losing population since the 1960's (see graph), and it is distinguished by the existence of an important and stable Korean community (a quarter of the total population), whose origin goes back to the colonial times.The data was gathered from the residential change forms in Ikuno's ward office. The study covers the period of March, April and May of 1993, and the subjects are 3, 078 out-migrants and 2, 603 in-migrants, accounting for in each case about 32% of all the migrants from and to Ikuno Ward in that year. The data collected is: gender, type of migration (individual or family), age, and destination or origin of the flows.Out-migration (see Table 1):(1) In both populations out-migrants are short-distance migrants, and about 76% of them moved within the metropolitan area of Osaka. This figure refers to the internal migration. However, the foreigners, who in this case can be considered Koreans, either tend to remain more in the city, mainly in the sourrounding areas where important Korean populations exist, or moved out to the central wards. In addition, there is a significant migration of foreigners to big cities such as Kobe and Kyoto. The outstanding Japanese sectoral bias out-migration toward the east (Nara Prefecture) related to the purchase of a home is unimportant to foreigners, and the suburbanization phenomenon is less evident. At the national level, the foreigners' out-migration to Eastern Japan is far more important than to Western Japan. Therefore they break the East-West cultural division that is visible in the Japanese migration flows.(2) Mobility in terms of gender is substantially higher among men, and more noticeable among Japanese. The sex ratio of out-migrants to the metropolitan area is the same for both populations (about 99), however for the rest of Japan it increases, especially for the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(3) In general, individual migration is higher for foreigners except in the case of the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(4) The Japanese migrants of different ages exhibit clearly different patters of destination choice, while for the Koreans it is not so clear.In-migration (see Table 2) and net migration:There is a negative net migration for both populations. There is a larger percentage of foreigners in-migrating from the metropolitan area, principally from the rest of Osaka Prefecture to Ikuno Ward (positive net migration). The in-migration from Eastern Japan is comparatively higher for foreigners also. For the Japanese, the in-migration from the rest of Western Japan is a major flow (positive net migration). The sex ratio is higher for foreigners particularly for those coming from outside the Metropolitan Area. Ikuno Ward is a net gainer of mainly female, young, individual Japanese migrants from Western Japan.The author believes that the destination choice process varies not only with the migrant's age and gender, but also with its ethnic and cultural characteristics. In this case, restrictions in employment and housing opportunities for Koreans are probably important factors for the difference in migration patterns. Moreover, more qualitative research is needed in geography on the ethnic groups' differential spatial perceptions and migration decision-making process.

著者

北田 晃司

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.223-242, 2004-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

1

---

The urban system is always changing. The importance of studying the changing process of the urban system has been emphasised in Japan and also in Western countries from the 1990s. However, studies about the urban system of non-Western countries are still insufficient. In this article, we investigate the changing process of the urban system in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule mainly through the location of central managerial functions and the railway network. We compare its urban system with that of Korea which was also under Japanese colonial rule for almost the same period.At the end of the 19th century, the urban system of Taiwan was a mixture of elements of both Japanese colonial rule and that of the Qing Dynasty. In the 1920s, the economy of Taiwan was stabilized due to an increase in agricultural production, especially sugar, and the number of companies significantly increased. T'aipei strengthened its position as the capital under Japanese colonial rule, and other cities, such as T'ainan, T'aichung, and Chiai also accumulated central managerial functions. Chilung strengthened its function dramatically while Danshui and An-ping declined under the influence of the colonial policy to strengthen the economic link with Japan.After the latter half of the 1930s, Taiwan was incorporated into the wartime system as a base for South-East Asia. In this period, T'aipei consolidated its absolute superiority. On the other hand, most of the local cities, except Kaohsiung and Hualiengang, declined. We can also view these changing processes from an analysis of railway passenger revenue. This process resembles that of Korea in the same period. We can say that the latter half of the 1930s was one of the most important periods for the urban system of East Asian countries because the same trends were also evident in Japan.However, judging from the structure of the main railway network, there was a clear difference between Taiwan and Korea. In the case of Korea, short railway lines, which link traditional large cities in the inner area and new port cities, had largely developed. Further, before the 1930s, these lines had a more important role than the main trunk lines which crossed over the peninsula. In Taiwan, however, the railway network mainly consisted of trunk lines which linked large cities along the coast, and short lines had not sufficiently developed. In the case of Korea, there was also a great difference between the locational pattern of economic and administrative central managerial functions. It was difficult to distinguish such a difference in Taiwan, however.There were some important reasons to explain these differences. In Korea, the commercial economy had not developed well under the Lee Dynasty because of the policy of national isolation and the influence of Confucianism. Therefore, most of the traditional cities were located in the inner area as administrative centers, and did not possess sufficient economic functions except for Hansong (Seoul). On the other hand, most of the cities in Taiwan developed on the basis of cultivation or trade with mainland China. As a result, they originally had a balance of both economic and administrative central managerial functions. After that, new port cities were formed in both Korea and Taiwan. In Korea, most of them maintained their relative position during colonial rule. However, in Taiwan, trade was gradually limited to Chilung and Kaohsiung, both of which were much extended by the colonial government, because they were afraid that Taiwan would experience a significant economic impact from Western countries by trade through Shanghai and Hong Kong. However, it is also true that there were many cities which had almost the same position in each urban system of Taiwan and Korea under the same Japanese colonial rule.

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.5, pp.405-424, 1981-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

44

被引用文献数

1

---

In Japan onion production ranks fourth among the cultivated vegetable areas, and onions rank sixth in per capita consumption of vegetables as measured in kilograms. The onion occupies the first place among vegetables which are transported from the rural districts to the urban consumers. The author has been studying the geography of truck farming, above all its locational approach, so he began to investigate the onion producing regions in Hokkaido.As the onion likes a cool season, it is usually grown during the winter and spring seasons on Japanese farms. Hokkaido farmers, however, cultivate the onion during the cool summer and harvest in the autumn. There are two main producing areas in Hokkaido: one is Ishikari Plain and the other is the Kitami district. Kitami especially has developed recently in a remarkable way so that Hokkaido as a whole has the highest onion yield in Japan.In the Kitami district the temperature and the length of day which have an important bearing on onion bulb formation are highly favorable. The alluvial floodplain in Kitami Basin furnishes a fertile soil of sandy loam ideal for onion cultivation. An important social factor which has contributed to the increased production of onions in the Kitami district is that Kitami City has an abundant labor supply (especially women) cheaper than in the rival Ishikari Plain. In spite of these fundamental conditions, the development of onion cultivation in Kitami was delayed by insect damage and a poor marketing route. Yearly damage from the onion maggot hindered production after World War II until the life ecology of the worm was discovered and methods of extermination were determined in the 1960's. The Kitami district is a long way from the urban consumer market. Moreover, there was for a long time no marketing organization. When in 1965 the agricultural cooperatives began to manage onion sales, the Kitami farmers finally found an eager market for their crop.Two reasons have stimulated onion cultivation. First a change in eating habits in the 1960's caused a demand for onions and raised the price. Second when in 1970 rice production was restricted by the government, the Kitami farmers chose to plant onions as a substitute crop.As the onions stored until the supply is scarce are generally sold at a higher price than the freshly harvested crop, the agricultural cooperatives in the Kitami district have constructed many large onion storehouses since 1972. Kitami farmers who got good profits from onion production increased their onion fields in the following years.It is the usual practice in Japan that onions are transplanted to the field after seedling culture. Though the farmers in Hokkaido use machines to transplant the onions, much hand labor is required. As machine and labor costs are higher in Hokkaido than in other parts of Japan the producers try to increase gross income by increased acreage. The average onion fleld in Hokkaido is 2.7ha in area, while in the rest of Japan the average area is only 0.5ha. The farmer engaged in small scale production outside of Hokkaido makes a small investment and utilizes family labor and thus he makes his profits. In Hokkaido, including Kitami, the higher price of autumn harvested onions overcomes the higher costs of machinery and labor.In conclusion it seems that the new expansion of the Kitami onion fields is an example of intensive agriculture in a remote region caused increased demand.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.2-7, 1948-06-01 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

佐藤 香寿実

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.4, pp.393-416, 2019 (Released:2020-02-15)

参考文献数

47

被引用文献数

5 1

---

本稿の目的は,フランス,ストラスブールの大モスクの建設過程およびその利用を通じて,言説実践としてのスケールがいかに実質的な効果を生み出したのかについて,「スケールのパフォーマティヴィティ」の観点から論じることである。同モスクは,ライシテ(非宗教性の原則)が重要視されるフランスにありながら,異なる制度を持つアルザス・モーゼル地方法を活用し,地方公共団体からの資金援助を受けて2012年に建てられた。本稿では,人文地理学で発展してきた社会構築主義的な「スケール」視角に依拠し,スケール言説がモスクの建設過程および物質性にいかに作用したか,またモスクの利用を通じて新たなスケール言説がいかに再構築されているか,インタビューで得た語りを引用しながら分析を試みた。分析において,アクターや状況に応じて登場する複数のスケールが,「ここ/よそ」の区別に結び付けられていること,さらにスケールの言説実践を通じて,「ここ/よそ」の境界は絶えず問い直されていることが示された。

著者

陳 正祥

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.296-301, 1957-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

本岡 拓哉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.130-150, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

90

被引用文献数

3 1

---

Recently, the idea of housing-for-life and housing welfare, which considers resident housing rights and independence rights to be of primary importance is permeating through Japan. Under this concept, squatter areas, once called ‘barrack towns’, have been observed by society and form the object of various support actions. Also, in academic circles some research has begun to shed light on the process of how the barrack towns have remained through time or how they have been improved while taking notice of the residents’ housing and independence rights.However, such research seldom examines the barrack towns that have disappeared and does not clarify the process of disappearance of barrack towns throughout the city. Indeed, most barrack towns have actually disappeared without being improved. When taking notice of the residents’ independence rights regarding the maintenance and improvement of the living environment of their barrack town, it is also important to pay attention to the process of disappearance of barrack towns where this was not realizable. That is why this paper will discuss the process of disappearance and background of the squatter barrack towns in post-war Kobe City (from immediately after the end of the Second World War until the high economic growth period), while taking notice of the relationship between the trend of their municipal governance and the social circumstances of those days. The process from formation to disappearance of the squatter barrack towns in Kobe City can be summarized as follows:Immediately after the end of the war, a large number of vagrants who had no place to live, and people who had no choice but to build their own barracks on burnt-out war sites, appeared in Kobe City. Although these two kinds of homeless groups were in the same situation of housing poverty, the response of the administration towards each group was completely different. Accordingly, in contrast to the vagrants, who formed a target of control, the act of building barracks itself, although most probably an illegal act, was permitted and accepted by the city administration as a result of efforts toward self-reliance. So for this reason many barrack towns were constructed while large flows of population were entering Kobe City.From 1950 onwards however, even though rehabilitation projects were progressing, the removal of barracks by the city administration was begun. Nevertheless, the number of barrack towns increased, since the supply of both public and private housing was unable to fulfill the housing demand of the increasing urban population in the 1950s. This resulted in contrasting situations of barrack towns decreasing or increasing in different parts of Kobe City. The barrack towns in the central area were removed but reappeared afterwards at riverbeds and underneath elevated railway tracks in peripheral areas.Because of this situation in the 1950s, barrack towns were frequently taken up in newspapers, forming the subject of social problems. This kind of social problem had four sides to it : the issues of landscape, disaster prevention, sanitation, and anti-sociability. These were repeatedly taken up by the mass media, and were used as justifications to the general public for the removal of barracks by the city administration.In the latter half of the 1950s, the problem of illegal occupancy especially was also taken up as a social problem relating to barrack towns. The correspondence of the administration over this social problem was deployed not on a local scale but on a national scale. Six mayor meetings and chambers of commerce (Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe) discussed possible measures against illegal occupation. Subsequently, each organization submitted request documents to the Ministry of Justice, and after that Law of Theft of Immovable Property was enacted in the Diet in 1960.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

和田 崇

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.5, pp.423-442, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

115

被引用文献数

1 2

---

Geographical studies on information arose from contact analysis and studies of urban systems that measured the frequency of (electronic) communications. Studies of media and local communications followed, after which information was determined to be the driving force in society. Subsequently, the ‘geography of information’ was proposed by some experts, and this newly proposed sub-discipline was divided into two fields: one was the geography of the information society, and the other was the geography of cyberspace. When the geography of cyberspace was first analyzed, cyberspace was deemed to be a kind of Utopia in which information and communication technology could solve almost all social problems, and a borderless society was thought to be the inevitable outcome. But many experts have demonstrated geographical difference in cyberspace through their studies of computer networks, information flow, and social networks. In addition, some geographers argue that we should see cyberspace and real space syncretically as a ‘geocyberspace.’This article discusses four fields of geographical study of the Internet and suggests four viewpoints and three means of analysis. The four fields are cyberspace, urban space, industrial space, and social networks, which are categorized by two axes: topology vs. activity, and hierarchical vs. horizontal. The four viewpoints are categorized by two axes: global vs. local and real vs. virtual. ‘Geocyberspace’ is spread over the four viewpoints. Finally, the three means of analysis are network analysis, qualitative analysis of the texts which can be read on the Internet, and ethnography.

著者

大呂 興平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.4, pp.337-349, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)

参考文献数

44

被引用文献数

3

---

Japanese premium beef called wagyu has a global market potential with its eating quality. However, it is not Japan but Australia that has significantly expanded its export. Australia is now the largest wagyu supplier in the global market, which notably includes Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore, and Dubai. As so-called “wagyu” in Australia is cross-bred, it is not always identical to the authentic Japanese wagyu in terms of genetics or quality. Nevertheless, Australian wagyu beef has been highly valued in top restaurants and hotels outside Japan. This paper illustrates the development of the wagyu industry in Australia by focusing on the dynamics of the beef supply chain, and examines the future of the industry.Wagyu was first introduced to Australia via the U. S. A. in the early 1990s. Before the 2000s, Australian wagyu used to be grain-fed by Japanese feedlots only for the Japanese market, but the market shrunk dramatically after the outbreak of BSE followed by the stricter labeling regulations in Japan. For making up the missed market, Australian wagyu was promoted domestically and to other Asian countries by Australian feedlots.The wagyu beef supply chain in Australia is as follows: Stud breeders supply wagyu bulls for commercial breeders, and the commercial breeders cross-breed the bulls with their female cattle. Those cross-bred steers are supplied to feedlots, where wagyu cattle are grain-fed for 300-500 days. The feedlots promote their wagyu brand for the international markets, and the markets are expanding spurred on by economic growth and the boom in Japanese cuisine. There are reportedly around 10,000 full-blood wagyu cattle and 130,000 cross-bred wagyu cattle in Australia in 2012.Although wagyu became popular globally in the late 2000s, the wagyu supply chain in Australia is facing a greater risk caused by the overlong feeding-period with the high grain prices and inconsistent beef quality. Smaller producers in the chain are withdrawing, and several companies are integrating the chain vertically instead. Those integrated companies will be the pivotal player in the wagyu industry in Australia, and they may further improve the quality of Australian wagyu. It should also be noted that the genetic resources of wagyu such as semen and embryos are being exported further abroad, and that will potentially lead to increasing wagyu production in other countries in Asia, Europe, and South America.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.55-98, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)