著者

三木 和美

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.5, pp.489-503, 2006

被引用文献数

1

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<p>This study considers the activities of street performers on and around the new Umeda footbridge in Kita, Osaka. In this study, the perspectives of time geography and social networks are emphasized.</p><p>The following conclusions can be drawn as a result of field observations and personal interviews with street performers,</p><p>The various street performers are divided into 4 types: (1) musicians, (2) fine artists, (3) vendors, and (4) other performers. Based on these types, the purpose of their street activity varies and their space-time distribution patterns can be seen around the new Umeda footbridge.</p><p>The environment surrounding the street performers consists of the police and municipalities, local companies, media organizations, fans and visitors. On the one hand, they regulate the activities of the street performers, while, on the other, they are affected by the independent activities of the street performers.</p><p>Against the background of the spread of the Internet, street performers form social networks by creating their own homepages.</p><p>From knowledge of time geography and social networks, this paper analyzed various structural relations around street performers. Street activities in the city are understood as an example exhibited in many dimensions of time, space and society.</p>

著者

高柳 長直

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.396-397, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

著者

山元 貴継

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.115-131, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

51

被引用文献数

1 1

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On Jeju Island, now part of South Korea, dynastically-owned ranches developed up until the 19th century spread across the slopes of Mt. Halla which soars upward at the center of the island. However, taking advantage of the mild climate, mandarin orange farms have now become widespread on Jeju Island, taking the place of the old ranches. One origin of those farms is a mandarin orange farm that was established at Seohong-ri on the south slope of Mt. Halla by Japanese living there during the era of Japanese rule. This farm was handed over to Korean residents after World War II, and both the farm and the late Mr. Kang, the planter, are still highly respected.The purpose of this research is to investigate concretely how the mandarin orange farm in Seohong ri, in the present suburban area of Seogwipo City, was established during the era of Japanese rule, and how it was handed down to the residents after that period. This study involves analyzing cadastral materials such as cadasters and cadastral maps, verifying the register list, and interviewing the residents.First, according to the examination of the cadastral materials recorded from the beginning of the Japanese jurisdiction, it was possible to confirm that low grade fields and forests were spread out over the upper slopes of the village due to the disuse of the dynastically-owned ranches. From the viewpoint of land ownership, the upper slope of the village was occupied as government-owned ground in the 1910’s. On the other hand, the ownership of the lower slope of the village was complicated as the proprietors of the residential land and those of the surrounding farmlands did not necessarily correspond with the movement of the residents’ settlements. The land on the upper slope of the village gradually came to be owned by the residents, and land on the more gentle slopes were owned by the Japanese. The mandarin orange farms were developed on these lands. However, the area of these farms held by the Japanese did not change during the era of Japanese rule. Moreover it is recorded in the cadastres that the land ownership of the farms was assigned in 1951 to Mr. Kang, who was a Korean who did not live in the neighborhood of Seohong ri.According to interviews of the residents, even the descendants of Mr. Kang do not know the reason why Mr. Kang acquired the farm. Evidence from his family register and from many interviews reveals that the first Korean owner was killed during the “4・3 Disturbance” and that Mr. Kang then happened to acquire the farms.In South Korea, generally speaking facilities developed by the Japanese and the people who later acquired them tend to receive negative evaluations. However, the residents gave comparatively positive evaluations of the mandarin orange farms of Seohong-ri because they agreed that the location of these properties was on a degraded slope and that the acquisition of the farms by Mr. Kang after World War II contributed much to the economy of the village. In addition, there is a possibility that such positive assessments were supported by the fact that Mr. Kang had not assumed control of the farms directly from the Japanese. The time of Japanese rule was also a time when the Korean residents of Seohong-ri were able to expand their own lands.As mentioned above, this research investigated the locations and the extent of the mandarin orange farms that the Japanese established, and examined in detail the changes in the ownership of these lands through analysis of the cadastral materials. Based on this study, it is clear that the cadastral materials provided a means to clarify the process of the transfer of the farms that the residents themselves did not know well.

著者

久木元 美琴

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.291-299, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

63

著者

北川 眞也

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.264-271, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

44

著者

今野 泰三

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.287-290, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

29

著者

金田 章裕

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.193-214, 1982

被引用文献数

1

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1. The Jori Grid Pattern System is characterized by an interval network of paths and ditches, which divide a given area into units measuring approximately 109m square. By the middle of the 8th Century the system consisted of such a grid pattern, with the arable land in each section divided into regular allotments. About the middle of the 8th Century a new system was introduced, by which the entire Jori System was organized into &ldquo;Jo&rdquo;, &ldquo;Ri&rdquo; and &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo;. The &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo; was the smallest section of the square, consisting of approximately 1.2 hectares, the &ldquo;Ri&rdquo; comprised 36 &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo;, or approximately 654m square, and the &ldquo;Jo&rdquo; was a liniar arrangement of &ldquo;Ri&rdquo;, whose exact organization varied according to region.<br>In some provinces, such as Settsu, Sanuki and Awa, historical evidence shows that the system of land unit indication followed three stages, as follows: 1) according to former small place names 2) according to the Jori Numbering System with place names attached to it 3) according to the Jori Numbering System only<br>A number of historical materials show the process from 2) to 3) in Yamato, Yamashiro, Iga, Ohmi and Echizen provinces in accordance with the fixation of the Jori Numbering System. However this Jori Indication System was not introduced at a time. In Yamashiro province, this system was introduced by 743, but in Sanuki, it came after 757 and before 763, and in Settsu, after 756 and before 767.<br>2. The former type of small place name was divided or changed to fit with the Jori Grid Pattern in stage 1) or 2). This process is shown for Kuso-oki region, Echizen Province in the 8th century (Fig.7). Some of former types of small place names, which were quite extensive (See Fig.7 Left), were divided and changed (See Fig.7 Right) in accordance with increase in arable land.<br>However all of the former types of small place names were not divided in the 8th century. In the Kinki District (near the Capital of Ancient Japan), the greater part of those place names already fit the Jori grid pattern, as shown in Fig.6, but others fit only partially, as shown in Fig.5.<br>In the case of Echizen province, not so far from the capital, those place names partly fitted or were in the process of such adaptation as above mentioned. In the case of Etchu province, far from the capital, such place names were not divided as shown in Fig.8. In the last case, the Jori Indication System was established at once, but the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern was probably incomplete, and the Jori Indication System does not seem to have been fixed perfectly.<br>3. After the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern and the fixation of the Jori Indication System, the latter began to deteriorate. An early sign of this process was found in the 10th century. In medieval times the small place name began to be used side by side with the Jori Indication System. Almost all these new small place names designated the smallest section of the Jori Grid Pattern. By the end of the Medieval Period, this small place name system became generalized even on the Jori Grid Pattern.<br>4. The plan of the Jori Grid Pattern was completed in the middle of the 8th century, with the introduction of the Jori Indication System. This plan undoubtedly was connected with Handenshuju, one of the important policies of the ancient &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo; period, but &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo; was established by 701 at the latest. Accordingly, the plan of the Jori Grid Pattern, especially the Jori Indication System, was not peculiar only to &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo;. It was necessary for registry affairs rather than for Handenshuju itself. Since the 8th century, the bureaucratic procedures for distinction between private lands and government owned lands became very important, in accordance with the increase of private land.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.1-6, 1986

著者

崎田 誠志郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.4, pp.283-305, 2015

被引用文献数

5

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<p>Fishery cooperatives (FCs) in Japan have long managed coastal fishing grounds based on a fishery rights system, particularly common fishery rights, which are derived from old local community customs. However, merging of the FCs has been promoted nationwide for half a century to improve deteriorating business. Consequently, common fishery rights are now managed by a large-scale FC, whereas micro-scale fishing grounds related to common fishery rights are still managed by the former area FC. Thus, the aim of this study was to reveal the structural aspects of micro-scale fishing ground management by the local area under the large-scale FC.</p><p>The study site was Kushimoto-cho, Wakayama Prefecture, located at the southernmost part of the Kii Peninsula. Fifteen areas in and around Kushimoto-cho, which had former FCs, now fall under the jurisdiction of the large-scale Wakayama-Higashi FC. Three of these areas were analyzed in this study. The three areas have different fishing characteristics, primarily dependent on local environmental conditions within the fishing grounds. These local environmental factors also affect fishing ground management within the areas.</p><p>After merging of the different FCs, micro-scale fishing grounds have been managed by voluntary organizations separate from the area. Each area has various voluntary organization-led structures according to the number of participating fishermen and the economic dependence of each common fishery right-based fishery.</p><p>Meanwhile, the autonomy of the areas alone was insufficient to retain their conventional and independent fishing ground management. The legitimacy of fishing ground management in the areas is reinforced by their association with official institutions. That is to say, the areas demonstrate their initiative to manage the fishing grounds through some obscure official institutions that reflect the area's customs. In contrast, independent fishing ground management has been replaced in some areas by restrictive official institutions through legal force.</p><p>Moreover, the fishing ground management structures in these areas are neither well-established nor declining. Various methods of transition have been used, such as reductions, restructuring, or strengthening, and these are related to the dynamics of various factors, such as shifting fishery status and the intentions of local fishermen.</p><p>The results of this study show the current multilayered fishing ground management structure and explain that the fishing ground management structure in the areas has changed in various ways in parallel with the FC merger and that reciprocal relationships with official institutions have been built. Such recognition will provide important insight for discussing the future of micro-scale fishing ground management considering the domestic trend towards decreasing the size of the fishing industry and expanding the FCs.</p>

著者

三浦 尚子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1-21, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>本稿は,障害者自立支援法施行に伴って制度化された東京都の通過型グループホームが,精神障害者の地域ケアにおいて果たす役割について,R 自治体内における通過型グループホームの事業者および入居者に対する質的調査に基づき,「ケア空間」「あいだの空間」という分析概念を用いて検討した。その結果,以下の知見が得られた。通過型グループホームの入居者は,精神科病院の退院条件であるか,家族との関係が悪い場合が多く居住地を選べない,ほかに生活環境を転換する術をもたないことを入居の理由としており,必ずしも本意に基づく選択ではないことが明らかとなった。しかし入所後,入居者は施設内に設置された交流室にて,職員や他入居者との間で無条件の肯定的配慮や共感的理解の態度で形成される「ケア空間」を通して,新たな主体性を出現させて自尊を獲得し,生への希望を見出していた。事業者は通過型グループホームを「あいだの空間」と位置づけ,単身生活への移行を障害者の自立とみなす国や行政機関の見解に即してその役割に肯定的であったが,入居者にとっては別の希望の空間へと向かうために重要な物理的・社会的な空間であるといえる。</p>

著者

奥野 志偉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.615-632, 2004

被引用文献数

2

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香港の映画産業は, 世界の映画産業の中でも大規模で, 最もダイナミックな側面をもっている。マイケル・ディアは, 映画の生産場所, 場所の生産, フィルム・テキスト, 場所にもとづくパフォーマンスの消費といった4つの側面に基づいて, フィルム・スペース (映画空間) の理論を創出した。本論文は, ディアの理論にしたがって, 第1に20世紀末まで香港で生産された映画の歴史を回顧する。第2に1970, 80年代香港映画のブームを解釈するため, 当時香港映画界で活躍していた主要な俳優や監督, 武術指導 (監督), スタントマンの背景や経歴, そして香港映画の発展における貢献について導出する。第3に, 映画のジェンルをカンフー映画, ホラー・幽霊映画, ガンスター映画, 都市暮らし映画との4種類として, それぞれの類型作りや発展について賞味する。第4に, 香港映画の成功に導いた要因として, 人的資源, 資金, 映画文化の交流などを討論する。最後に, 本論文では香港映画をめぐるローカル及びグローバルな作用が, 香港映画産業や, 映画文化への影響を検出するとともに, 中国, アジア, そして世界における香港の政治的・文化的な役割という場所性について考える。

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.220-241,281, 1961

被引用文献数

1 1

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弓浜半島は過去の商品畑作農業の結果,過少農の卓越する人口稠密地域となり,特に開発の早かった半島北部では農業生産は既に副次的な意味しか有していない。これに比べて近世以降に開発の展開をみた半島中部では耕地細分化が北部ほど進行していないことや,地元の小都市とも距離を置き農業部門の地位は相対的に高い。ここでは蔬菜の輸送園芸が戦後盛んとなり,大阪を主とした関西市場へ共同出荷がなされている。透水性の大きい砂土に覆われた弓浜半島で蔬菜栽培を技術的に成立せしめているのが,江戸時代に開かれた米川用水路の働きである。そして普通の畑作物の中で,より労働集約的で土地使用的な性格を持っている蔬菜部門が戦後採択されたのは,過小農が卓越する弓ヶ浜農業の経営経済上の必然であった。この場合,共同出荷の推進母体たる農協は当初の販売担当機関に止ることなく,産地形成上の条件整備機関としての活動まで必要となった。このような共同出荷体制の組織化が社会的規制の形で進むか否かは,管内農家に対する農協の経済的比重の大小によって決定される。この点半島中部の農村は優良農協を中核とする生産-流通の体制が確立されて蔬菜の輸送園芸の中心地区となっている。これに対して,専業農家の少ない半島北部や共同化への関心の低い(米子)近郊は農協による個別経営の結合が弱く,程度の差はあれ輸送園芸の集団的形成を阻害している。弓ヶ浜産蔬菜の代表である葱は需要との関係が生産上の大きな条件となった。特有の農業気象によって早期収穫の可能性は秋の葱消費市場(大阪)を独占し有利な価格を保持している。ただ葱そのものの需要は限界があることや,弓ヶ浜からの出荷蔬菜中に市場での優越を誇る品目が他に見当らないことが問題である。新しい市場を求め,新しい品目を求めて蔬菜産地はその発展に努力しているのであるが,内外の状勢が何時までそれを許すのであろうか。

著者

稲垣 稜

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.149-171, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

55

被引用文献数

1

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本研究では,都心の人口回復がすすむ中,都心居住者の職住近接がすすんでいるか否かを検討した。対象地域は,大阪市の都心に位置する大阪市福島区である。はじめに,国勢調査をもとに,福島区居住者全体の従業地構成の変化を分析した。その結果,都心居住者の就業については,職住近接よりもむしろ職住分離がすすんでいることが明らかになった。続いて,都心居住者における職住分離の背景,要因を明らかにするため,アンケート調査を実施した。都心における職住分離傾向の背景,要因は,以下のように要約できる。第一に,自営業者の職住関係の変化である。もともと自営業者は,職住一体を特徴としてきたが,近年,都心においては,自営業者の職住分離もすすんだ。さらに,自営業者数自体も大幅に減少している。第二に,若年層や分譲マンション居住者の動向である。若年層や分譲マンション居住者は,大阪市外への通勤者割合が高い。こうした都心における職住分離傾向は,雇用の郊外化とも関連がある。雇用の郊外化は,都心居住者の郊外への通勤を促進する方向に作用した。特に,ホワイトカラーによる都心居住の増加と都心雇用の減少が,職住分離をすすめる背景となったと考えられる。

著者

竹内 淳彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.4, pp.262-274, 1962

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The writer has investigated the distribution of binocular manufacturing works and geographical significance of their location in Japan. The following facts were disclosed.<br>1. There are 215 binocular manufacturing works in Japan today. These works are very small in scale, having average of only 16 workers in each workshop.<br>Most of the works are concentrated in Tokyo area, and about 95% of them are closely distributed in Itabashi district, northern part of Tokyo metropolis, forming core of the distribution in Japan.<br>2. The following factors are considered to play an important role in the location of the binocular manufacturing industry.<br>a) One of the location factors which exerts a conspicuous influence upon the present pattern of the distribution is the existence of the commission agents naving an overwhelming power over the works. For the reason that all of the commission agents are situated in Tokyo, many works tend to be attracted by them and distributed in Tokyo area.<br>b) In Tokyo area, Itabashi was the only district where large scale binocular plants for mtlitary purposes were situated before the war. After the war, the production of the plant were all changed to peaceful (binocular) industries, and the existence of technical experts who worked in these factories may be said to have been the cause of their concentration in the area.<br>c) In recent time, the superiority of Itabashi district to others, which, as, mentioned already, plays an important part in the distribution of binocular industries, is due to the existence of many workers and subcontractors who are obliged to offer their cheap labour.

著者

岩本 廣美

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.181-201, 2021

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<p>本稿の目的は,第二次世界大戦後の日本の中学校地理教育における地域学習の展開状況を明らかにすることである。研究方法として,次の3点を検討した。①学習指導要領の記述,②単元「身近な地域」の教育実践に関する先行研究,③単元「身近な地域」に関するフィールドワークを取り入れた教育実践事例。その結果は次のとおりである。まず,1958年から2017年までの学習指導要領において,単元「身近な地域」は,名称や位置付けを変えながら,一貫して配置されてきたことがわかった。次に,先行研究から,近年の単元「身近な地域」の教育実践において,地形図は盛んに活用されていることがわかった。高等学校の入学試験でしばしば地形図に関する問題が出題されるからである。しかし,フィールドワークを取り入れた教育実践はきわめて少ない。多くの教師は,その理由に年間の授業時間の不足を挙げる。筆者は,多くの教師が,「身近な地域」で学習すべき問題を発見できないためであると推測する。3つ目に,フィールドワークを取り入れた単元「身近な地域」の教育実践事例には,水準の高いものがあることがわかった。多くの教師が実践しやすいフィールドワークの指導方法として,近年では,内容を精選し,50分以内に実施できるものが提案されている。その実現のためには,教員養成・研修の充実が必要である。</p>

著者

キーナー ヨハネス コルナトウスキ ヒェラルド

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.5, pp.395-411, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

2 2

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The aim of this paper is to examine the characteristics of guesthouses (GH) in the inner city and to discuss their impact on the local community and real estate market. Company X, which runs eight GH buildings in Osaka City’s North Nishinari area, is used as an example, and based on a sample of 30 residents the business strategy for this area was analyzed.Because of its poor reputation and the low living quality standards, North Nishinari is not popular among younger residents and is turning more and more into a welfare district for elderly people. Against this background, Company X initiated its GH business, in order to bring younger residents into the area. The comparatively simple-to-start GH business is a new business model for landlords with little private capital unable to participate in the welfare business. GHs provide a living environment and services that encourage foreigners to move in, appealing especially to people who stay for a fixed period of time in Japan, like working holiday makers and foreign students. The characteristics of these GH residents are that most of them are foreigners from Asian countries, more than half of them are male, and they are employed in part-time jobs. These findings show that by following a clear business strategy in line with the conditions of the inner city, Company X attracts a distinctive type of residents, differing from guesthouse residents in other areas.However, this inner city business strategy influences the GHs capability to contribute to the local community. Its effect in solving the increasing social isolation in the local community is low, because the GH residents are not original members of this community. Furthermore, interactive events between guesthouse residents and members of the local community, necessary for a wider contribution to the local community, were stopped, because they had no direct effect on profits. The example of Company X shows that the guesthouse business in the inner city has the capacity to revitalize the real estate market by making effective use of old vacant housing, but its impact on the social issues of the local community is quite limited.

著者

橋本 征治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.5, pp.496-523, 1974

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By analyzing how central places and rural regions were related through the medium of production and circulation of commodities in the Edo Period and what influences they had on each other, this article aims to examine the structure of the urban-rural regions of the Tonami District in Kaga-<i>hanryo</i>, the territory which the Maeda clan ruled.<br>To begin with, the author analyzes the regional systems of production and circulation of commodities. In the first-half of the Edo period, <i>machi</i>, authorized cities, with their previleges, took the initiative in the circulation of commodities, whereas other local nuclei had much less centrality. Consequently, tightly integrated regional urban-rural systems were not developed; the systems were quite simple. But, more complicated systems developed in the second-half of the Edo period, when the production and circulation of commodities developed in the rural regions. And some <i>zaimachi</i> unauthorized cities, came to develop based on the regions producing commodities in the rural area and trading with the merchants from other <i>han</i>. At that time, there were a remarkable difference among the central places and the hierarchical divisions of labor. In the rural region, on the other hand, common rural communities remained engaged in primary production process or supplying raw materials to the central places, while some rural communities with access to the central places were engaged in a higher level production process. It has been observed that changes which took place in rural regions had certain regularity. That is, the changes were related to the differences in situational and physical characteristics of the regions. Considering these points, the author has made an effort to examine concretely the structure of urban-rural regions on the basis of the areas receiving annual tributes from rural communities and the areas from which merchants and craftsmen in the central places came. In the first-half of the Edo period, each central place organized urban-rural areas that directely reflected the local characters of its rural hinterland, but this hardly constituted a nodal region. In the latter-half of the Edo period, however, a highly developed nodal region came to exist in the northern part of the Tonami District. That is, the service centers were organized in several classes, hierarchically related. Overlapping of some service areas is also observed. But in the southern region, where the production and circulation of commodities developed later than the one in the north, the structure of urban-rural regions remained more immature; large or small urban-rural areas lay side by side with little functional integration.

著者

村田 陽平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.557-575, 2002

被引用文献数

3 3

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The politics of space involving sexuality has been studied mainly from the perspective of women and of homosexual men. Women's studies of space make clear that space is not constructed for female sexuality but for that of males. Gay studies of space conclude that, though homosexual men are 'male', they are inclined to be alienated from spaces which are premised as being heterosexual. Otherwise, little attention has been given to the viewpoint of heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the politics of space involving heterosexual men in Japan.<br>This study picks up one of the statements which was brought up in the Japanese political world in 1999. It is the Nishimura's statement, which was claimed by Shingo Nishimura (a member of the Diet)-at the time, a parliamentary vice-minister of the Defense agency-in an article in the '<i>weekly Playboy</i>'. The statement was problematical because it contained positive statements regarding the nuclear armament of Japan and was also sexist. Sexism among Japanese politicians is not unfamiliar, but against this case there was an unprecedented opposition which came in the form of criticism by some members of the men's group in Tokyo. This paper clarifies this situation by analyzing some discourses on relevant texts, magazines and newspapers that reported the statement.<br>First, I point out the spatial structure of sexuality through which Nishimura's statement is premised, in order to elucidate why the discriminatory aspects of the statement were put aside in public space. This is because, in public space, sexual matters are recognized as being a problem of dignity and are regarded as the domain of private space. Otherwise, in private space, sexual matters are thought of as being natural, so Mr. Nishimura and the affirmative people did not recognize the opposition of women and claim that their opinions are sympathetic towards them. Namely, it is made clear that the statement assumes that public space is non-sexual and private space is natural. However, the spatial structure of sexuality has relevance to the one that suppresses both women and homosexual men.<br>Secondly, it is made clear how the spatial structure of sexuality is constructed. First, I indicate the place occupied by the '<i>weekly Playboy</i>' magazine. The magazine has contents oriented towards both private space and the public space of discourse. Secondly, sexual content has a function in public space. The reason that we overlook sexual discourse in public space is that sexual discourses are regarded as natural. So it is thought that private space within which sexual matters are contained was constructed before the construction of public space. However, in actuality, such a private space is a fiction whose logic is hidden. Thirdly, it comes to light how male heterosexuality works in public space. Women tend to be judged by their attributes, while men tend to be judged by their actions. So male heterosexuality is not regarded as a form of action but as an attribute. So long as male heterosexuality is recognized as an attribute, it is not problematized and reproduced in public space.<br>Thirdly, I explain the meanings of space for heterosexual men on the basis of discourses by heterosexual men who have an objective view towards Nishimura's statement. For example, members of the men's movement in Tokyo collected signatures against Nishimura's statement in a petition that was limited only to men. The reason behind it was not necessarily meant to exclude women, but was rather to stress the viewpoint of (heterosexual) men. They found that male members of the Diet did not accept their argument against Nishimura's statement. Though they recognized the sexual contents of the statement as a problem of public space, their argument was not recognized as a problem of public space. This case demonstrates that heterosexual men can also put into question the spatial structure of sexuality as their exclusive problem.

著者

祖田 亮次

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.168-181, 1996

被引用文献数

1

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The fishing group of Amamachi community, at the tip of the Noto Peninsula jutting out into the Japan Sea, is very distinctive in terms of life style. It has thus attracted many previous studies on this group in various disciplines. Most of them, however, have tended to demonstrate its uniqueness by introducing its uncommon customs. Nevertheless, such a conventional view should be modified now: this group, I think, is typical of <i>kaimin</i> (maritime people), one of the major marginal groups, whose importance has been r6ather neglected so far due to an influential and far-reaching point of view focused on rice cultivation.<br>In the third section, the primary purpose to see them within the whole context of Japanese society in the right perspective was pursued. To do so, their situation was investigated in reference to <i>kyakumin</i> (major marginal people with autonomy) or <i>kaimin</i> with their own histories different from paddy-cultivating people. Unlike most <i>kyakumin/kaimin</i> groups, which have been weakened, dissolved or extinguished because of their failure in coping with new situations brought by changes over time, the Amamachi community has lasted well until now. Its sustainability deserves careful attention.<br>Amamachi's fishing people are considered to be descendants of fishing people of Kanegasaki District located in the northern part of Kyushu. Since their arrival at the Noto Peninsula, they had been engaed in diving fishing under the protection of the Kaga Clan (Maeda Territory) until the end of the Edo Period (1603-1867). They had been conscious of their distinct characteristics and confirmed the difference between their own and surrounding societies by stressing their relation with the Kaga Clan and by remembering their own historical origin. Such an attitude was effective in keeping the autonomy of the group against the dominance of <i>shumin</i> (main people) engaged in paddy cultivation. In this sense, the Amamachi community indicated a prominent characteristic corresponding to that of <i>kyakumin</i>.<br>On the other hand, another characteristic of theirs as <i>kaimin</i> is found in the following attitudes: wider mobility to seek better fishing grounds and acquire new trading areas, aggressive fishing methods based on high technical skills, and indifference to agriculture in general.<br>In the fourth section, the second aim of this paper to substantiate the sustainability of the community was explored chiefly by tracing changing processes of systems and customs of their society. In particular, I devoted attention to the two periods when the community confronted crises of existence: the time of the second half of the nineteenth century, when the modern age began in Japan, and the high economic growth period in the mid-twentieth century. Their reponses for surviving can be summarized as follows:<br>As for the second half of the nineteenth century, because of the collapse of the Bakufu-system, the relation between the Kaga Clan and this community was annulled. This implied that they would lose the exchange route for marine products and agricultural crops. Fortunately, however, a loose stratification occurred in this period, resulting in an establishment of the <i>oyakata-kokata</i> (patron-client) relation. While <i>oyakata</i> newly came to be in charge of the exchange instead of the Kaga Clan, <i>kokata</i> could peddle their extra products individually-this was called <i>nadamadari</i> (peddling trip)-. This suggests that newly emerged <i>oyakata</i> had a certain power, but <i>nadamawari</i> and other community controls restrained an excessive stratification.<br>With respect to the high economic growth period, the wide diffusion of powerboats improved fishing productivity and accelerated the monetary economy. These changes caused a dissolution of <i>oyakata-kokata</i> relation and a decline of <i>nadamawari</i>.

著者

水谷 知生

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.5, pp.412-429, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

参考文献数

84

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The institutionalization through law of natural landscapes for use and conservation in Japan began with the enactment of two laws ― the National Monuments Preservation Law of 1919, which defined meisho (places of scenic beauty), and the National Parks Law of 1931, which defined national parks.This study details the administrative affairs of parks and meisho through the Meiji era and discusses the influences of those affairs on the institutionalization of the use and conservation of natural landscapes. The research method used in this study is based on the analysis of contemporaneous material, including administrative papers, magazine reports, and press reports.The Geography Bureau and the Geography Division of the Department of Home Affairs were in charge of the administrative affairs concerning parks and meisho. These affairs were based on the perspective of state-owned land management.During the period from 1900 to 1910, the Geography Division with the Shrine and Temple Bureau investigated the preservation of historic sites and meisho, leading to the National Monuments Preservation Law. Around the same time, the jurisdiction over parks was moved to the Sanitary Bureau. After the jurisdiction was given to them, there was little work concerning parks.From 1910 on, requests were submitted to the Diet asking for the establishment of large parks in the Mt. Fuji or the Nikko areas. However, in response to these requests, the Department of Home Affairs did not consider the establishment of parks, but instead considered the preservation of these areas as meisho. After the Sanitary Bureau presented intensive research on parks in 1920, the Department of Home Affairs changed its approach and considered both perspectives on the use of parks for recreation as well as for the preservation of meisho.Although members of the National Monument Committee conducted the research regarding the preservation of meisho, the investigators’ views of the natural landscapes were different. Therefore, their work did not result in the institutionalization of large natural landscapes. In contrast, the research of the Sanitary Bureau led to the enactment of the National Parks Law of 1931.The origin of the institutionalization of natural landscapes for use and conservation in the Taisho era was in the administrative affairs concerning parks and meisho beginning with government decisions in the early Meiji era. The transfer of jurisdiction of parks around 1897 had an impact on the enactment of the National Parks Law.