著者

清水 孝治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.166-180, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

51

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The purpose of this paper is to address the socio-economic characteristics of the main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway, which was initiated and constructed by local residents and opened in 1918-1920 in Kani County. In order to approach this aim, the author takes particular note of the relationship between the construction of the private railway and the development of local industries, which were essential to its economic base and that of the main promoters and stockholders involved. Previous research has focused attention only on the characteristics of the main stockholders themselves in a private railway, but not on any investigation of the local economy that initiated the construction of the railway.The period of the opening of the Tono Railway was during ‘the light railway construction boom (1910-1926)’. Many private railways constructed during the same period had one thing in common: they did not necessarily depend on a particular industry for fund-raising. However, the financial condition of the Tono Railway was better and possessed an important difference compared with similar private railways.The basic stance of fund-raising activities was to collect local investment, because promoters for the construction of the Tono Railway did not want external investors to become involved in the plan and business of the Railway. Following this strategy, necessary funds were raised relatively easily. Above all, residents in the northern five municipalities where a railway track was laid and had an economic impact, invested actively. Residents of municipalities where a rail track was not laid, however, refused to invest. As a result, local investment dipped somewhat below that which was initially planned.What promoted the construction of the Tono Railway and contributed to fund-raising were mainly local representative wealth holders, landowners (Jinushi), wealthy farmers (Gono) and merchants (Gosho). It was vital for them to make a success of the construction of the Tono Railway at all costs in order to maintain their economic position. This was achieved by locating at key junctions of the traditional road and river transportation in the area, and also by developing new local industries.The period of the construction of the Tono Railway coincided with industrialization in Kani County. In this area, the silk-spinning industry had developed as a biggest manufacturing sector since the mid-Meiji Era. The development encouraged the rise of related local banking and trade. The main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway also had an important role in the development of these local industries. They tried to expand into various new industrial sectors and businesses, which were entirely different from their family businesses, and became new leading entrepreneurs.Therefore, the important factors of the construction of the Tono Railway are that it was worked out at the boom in the development of new local industries in the area. The main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway, many local wealth holders, actively took part in the new industries, and became the new industrialists with the development of the Railway.

著者

中澤 高志 佐藤 英人 川口 太郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.144-162, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

8 6

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This paper examines the process of generational transition in two suburban neighborhoods in the Tokyo metropolitan area, focusing on the inter-generational reproduction of social status in their residents. One neighborhood is the Kamariya District located in the southwestern sector of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The other is the Yotsukaido District in the eastern sector. Both neighborhoods were developed in the 1970s as residential districts for commuters to the downtown, and are situated 40 kilometers away from Tokyo Station, the center of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The two neighborhoods are similar in the ages, educational attainments, and occupational class of the first generation residents: Husbands who are now in their 60s or 70s were typically white collar workers employed by major companies or the public sector and once commuted to the central business district by train and bus in relay, while wives stayed at home devoting most of their time to housekeeping and childrearing. The first generation residents of both neighborhoods think it ideal to keep independent of, but in close relationships with, their adult children.The broad similarity between the two neighborhoods seems to verify a prevailing recognition that the suburbs are a homogeneous space not only physically but also socially; however, comparison of the social status of the second generation demands re-investigation. The male second generation of the Kamariya District have well succeeded to the high social status of the first generation. On the contrary, the process of inter-generational reproduction of social status does not seem to function well in the case of the Yotsukaido District. More of the Yotsukaido second generation are in non-permanent positions or unemployed in the labor market and live with their parents than the Kamariya second generation.It is also interesting that the two groups of the second generation who are already married are distributed differently within the Tokyo metropolitan area. The residences of the Kamariya second generation are concentrated around the Kamariya District. The married second generation of the Yotsukaido District live also mainly within the eastern sector where the Yotsukaido District is located, however, the pattern of the distribution shows more expansion to the opposite side of the metropolitan area than that of the Kamariya second generation. Both Kamariya and Yotsukaido districts were once thought of as appropriate residential neighborhoods for downtown white collar workers. The difference in the distribution of the married second generation implies that the Kamariya District is still recognized as a commuter’s neighborhood by the second generation, but Yotsukaido no longer is.Along with the generational transition, some suburban neighborhoods will remain residential areas of commuters to the downtown who have high social status, whereas some neighborhoods are changing into self-contained territories which include both home and workplace, experiencing fluctuations in the attributes of residents.

著者

熊野 貴文

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.352-368, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

43

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the current situation and problems of generational changes in the detached housing areas around Gakuenmae Station in Nara Prefecture, which are located in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area and have gained a good reputation from the viewpoint of their residents and housing resources. The main methods employed are analyses of housing maps and public statistics, such as the Housing and Land Survey and Population Census, and interviews with real estate agents and residents’ associations. The main findings obtained can be summarized as follows:First, the populations in detached housing areas near train stations have experienced more rapid aging corresponding to when these areas were developed; furthermore, population decline has already occurred in these areas, mainly due to out-migration of the elderly home-owning residents or their deaths, rather than from the out-migration of people in their children’s generation. Second, many empty houses are expected to soon appear in these areas through a similar mechanism, since their population composition is currently biased toward elderly inhabitants who face generational changes. Third, in older detached housing areas, new in-migration has been hindered by large house lots, physical features (including steep slopes and the height difference between house and road), the inconvenience of external garages, and large costs. Fourth, in this time of shrinking demand for detached houses, the real estate market has shown a polarization between popular, well-conditioned properties with good accessibility to train stations and less popular properties located at a distance from stations.These findings suggest that signs of decline have already appeared even in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area which had been regarded as exclusive and desirable residential areas.

著者

小林 基

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.397-419, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

50

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1970年代に,研究者らによって保全の必要性が主張され注目された「伝統作物」は,国内各地で農産物ブランドの形成を通じた農業振興に活用されうるものとしてあらためて注目を集め,研究が進んでいる。本稿は,兵庫県篠山市の丹波黒のブランド化を題材とし,伝統作物のブランド化過程を解明する。1970年代末以降,丹波黒は転作作物として生産が拡大され,全国的・周年的な需要が掘り起こされていった。1990年代になると西日本を中心に各地で新興産地が生じ,篠山では利益保護のためのブランド認証が必要となった。さらに,生産者と流通業者の関係をみると,他産地に先駆けて商品を出荷したい流通業者と収穫に時間と手間をかけざるをえない農家との間に葛藤が生じ,その調整がなされていた。このように,生産・供給システムの広域化による需要獲得と利益保護の両立,高品質性と早出しの両立といった諸方策により,丹波黒の全国ブランド化が展開したことが分かった。

著者

矢ケ﨑 太洋

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.4, pp.371-392, 2019 (Released:2020-02-15)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

2 2

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東日本大震災は三陸沿岸地域に大きな津波災害をもたらした。被災した地域社会は,防災集団移転などの住宅の高台移転によって津波リスクを低減した。その一方で,三陸沿岸地域では住民の転出によって人口減少の傾向にあり,地域社会は大きな再編を迫られつつある。本研究は東日本大震災後に人口減少と地域組織の改変を経験した気仙沼市浦島地区を対象として,地域社会の再編の過程と人口減少への対応について,レジリエンスの概念を用いて明らかにすることを目的とする。地域社会はレジリエンスが発揮されることにより再編され,その形態には災害以前の地域性が反映される。浦島地区は東日本大震災の津波によって大きな被害を受けたが,過去に大きな津波の被害を経験した集落は,既に住宅が高台に移転していたため被害が少なかった。被害の大きかった3集落はそれぞれ被災以前の地域組織を基盤とした防災集団移転を実施した。その過程において,被災以前に形成された集落を越えた広域な関係性が集落間の情報交換を容易にし,情報の共有が復興を促進した。浦島地区は被災後に住民の転出によって人口が減少しており,転出者が集落の行事に参加できる賛助会や,広域なまちづくり組織である浦島地区振興会を結成することで転出者との関係性を維持する。被災した地域社会はレジリエンスが発揮されることにより,災害に強く人口減少へ対応した形態に再編される。

著者

石川 菜央

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.374-395, 2005

被引用文献数

1 2

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A number of traditional events have recently been on the verge of extinction in Japan mainly because of a lack of successors. The tradition of bullfighting in the Oki Islands has fortunately continued up to now. This study investigates how bullfighting is continued and its significance in the Oki Islands by concentrating on the connection between the social relations created between the bulls and local society. I focus on the various inhabitants who run the bullfighting, particularly the following four types of people: <i>ushinushi</i> (bull's owner and trainer), <i>tsunadori</i> (bull's motivator), the <i>ushinushi's</i> neighbors, and the <i>ushinushi's</i> family. Currently, bullfighting takes place in <i>Saigo</i> town, <i>Tsuma</i> village and <i>Goka</i> village.<br>First, I consider the transition and background of bullfighting. Bullfighting in the Oki Islands underwent changes in connection with people's occupations. It is said that bullfighting began in common pastures as a local attraction in the agricultural off-season in the <i>Kamakura</i> era. When people started producing beef cattle in the <i>Meiji</i> era, bulls played the roles of draft cattle, beef cattle and fighting bulls all at the same time. However, agricultural mechanization and the depreciation of cattle reduced bullfighting activities in the 1960s. When tourism started to thrive in the Oki Islands in the 1970s, bullfighting was moved back into the limelight as a resource for tourism. <i>Ushinushis</i> began casual bullfighting for tourists and charged admission. Thus tourism has supported bullfighting. In addition to that, town and village offices began assisting bullfighting in the 1980s because they expected the traditional event to inspire the region and create a local identity. Now, there are bullfighting associations in each town and village. They cooperate with the local municipal governments and run bullfighting events in each region.<br>Next, I focus on <i>ushinushis</i> and <i>tsunadoris</i>. There are forty-three <i>ushinushis</i> in the Oki Islands. Raising bulls incurs some costs, but <i>ushinushis</i> say that the sheer pleasure of training bulls and associating with other <i>ushinushis</i> is worth it. They raise bulls through a trial and error process and have a special feeling for their own bull. They gather and train bulls every week. After training, they exchange information about bulls over drinks and food. The most important point of contact for them is the "<i>shoma</i>, " which is the buying and selling of bulls. Once they have gone through the <i>shoma</i>, they become close friends, part of the brotherhood, because through the <i>shoma</i>, they consider each other as fully-fledged <i>ushinushis</i>. Because they want strong bulls, they trade them beyond the boundaries between towns and villages. <i>Shoma</i> creates a wide-ranging network of <i>ushinushis</i>. At the fight, the ushinushi entrusts his bull to the <i>tsunadori</i>, the motivator of the bull. The <i>ushinushi</i> has every confidence in the <i>tsunadori</i>, and the <i>tsunadori</i> has a strong sense of responsibility for obtaining victory. They build up trustful relations over long periods of time and cooperate with one another to train the bull. To emphasize the unity of their place of residence, the <i>ushinushis</i> tend to ask someone from their home town or village to become their <i>tsunadori</i>. The interaction between <i>ushinushis</i> and <i>tsunadoris</i> increases the solidarity of their community.<br>Thirdly, I focus on the <i>ushinushi's</i> neighbors and family. Neighbors give gifts of sake or money two weeks before a bullfight. The <i>ushinushi</i> holds a banquet at his house in return for the gifts. The neighbor who gives sake is the most important of all the people giving gifts. They always attend the banquet and cheer on the <i>ushinushi</i> on the day of the bullfighting.

著者

阿部 亮吾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.307-329, 2003-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

108

被引用文献数

2 3

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This paper argues the issue of female migrant workers who have been remarkable under the globalization, particularly paying attention to the condition of Filipino women, because the Republic of Philippines has been systematizing and promoting the exportation of manpower, and sending many Filipino female domestic workers to developed areas in Asia, the Middle East, and other western countries. However, Japan excludes domestic workers selectively through its strict immigration policy. As result, a great number of Filipino females who come to Japan are only entertainers like dancers and singers. In this context, Japan is unique compared with other countries. Most entertainers work at Philippine Pubs in different cities all over Japan. Therefore, the unique urban nightscapes of Philippine Pubs are built in local urban spaces.I explored the politics of space of Philippine Pubs, which is an important component of local urban space, and the politics of positioning Filipino female entertainers who work there, through a case study of Sakae Walk Street where many Philippine Pubs are located in Nagoya City.First, my study showed that the present location of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street used to be an entertainment area (Snack town) in the outskirt of downtown Sakae District. With the decline of this area, Philippine Pubs, where cheaper and younger entertainers are a main character, started to mushroom and eventually replaced the old entertainment town.Second, my study revealed that two agents concerning the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street have respectively constructed each representations of 'ethnicity' of the entertainers. Employers and talent agencies have constructed this 'ethnicity' showing imaginative geographies of exotic, sexual and southern countries, through the formation of space, particularly aspects of landscape-appearance, standing signboards, advertising boards-. Immigration/police have doubly constructed 'ethnicity' as 'victims' or 'wrongdoers' through the formation of space of control against this space of Philippine Pubs by executing the surveillance and exposure activities around Ikeda Park. Local inhabitants in Sakae Walk Street also support these activities.In conclusion, I hope to suggest that the politics of the formation of local space of Philippine Pubs, being mutually compositional with the politics of the social construction of representations about 'ethnicity', is one of the processes of othering entertainer. And also, the spaces, which two above-mentioned agents have formed, are mutually negotiative rather than parallel. This makes the politics of the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs and also the process of othering entertainers multidimensional.

著者

疋田 武

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.6, pp.654-657, 1964-12-20 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

5

著者

塚本 僚平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.4, pp.338-357, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

43

被引用文献数

1 1

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Since the mid-1980s, Japan’s industrial structure has been considerably altered by economic fluctuations. These structural changes have had repercussions for local industry, and in particular for modern local industries in provincial areas. However, in recent years, research on local industries has been declining and has been insufficient. This paper examines the glove-making industry in the Higashi-Kagawa region, Kagawa Prefecture, which prospered due to the mass production and export of gloves during Japan’s rapid economic growth period. The author examined the factors behind the industry’s success through the analysis of the following two points: (1) the structural changes in the production and distribution system after the rapid economic growth period; and (2) business activities of each company after the same period.In the Higashi-Kagawa region, dynamic changes such as transfers of manufacturing functions overseas, growth of high value-added production, and expansion of glove-related products, have been ongoing since the 1950s. There were also some social and economic reasons (e. g. the Nixon shock, oil crises, and the increase in consumer demand for high-fashion gloves) behind these changes. Today, the scale of domestic production, characterized by the division of labor, in the region has declined, and overseas production now plays a large part. At the same time, the relationships between companies in the region and with companies in other regions has become stronger in the planning and development phases of new products. Therefore, interregional divisions of labor within a company, and with companies located in other regions, have been developed, along with an individualization of business behavior by each company as it takes steps to suite its economic circumstances. It seems that the Higashi-Kagawa region lacks unity and function as an industrial region.However, the results of the survey show that companies benefit from agglomeration economies, through for example, (1) accumulated technology and know-how, (2) a pool of skilled labor, (3) ease of raw material procurement, and (4) ease of information exchange within the industrial region. Moreover, the survey revealed the presence of “trust” and a strong reputation created through a long history of glove-making in the region, and this gives an intangible value to the companies in the region. This has been rarely noted in existing research. Therefore, the author believes that this may be one driving force in the survival of the industry in the Higashi-Kagawa region.

著者

岩本 廣美

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.146-147, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

著者

山澄 元

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.33-73, 1971-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

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In the Tokugawa era (around A.D. 17c.-the first half of A.D. 19c), there existed a class of Japanese warriers called ‘Hatamoto, ’ which was under the immediate control of the Shogunate as its vassal group. Although they were given smaller fieves than the Daimyos, the Hatamotos, employed as the Shogunate bureaucracy, held an important position in its caste. But their fieves, found most in the Kanto districts and secondly in the Tokai and Kinki districts, were generally of very small size. Moreover, it frequently happened that a village was ruled over by more than two rulers, so that sometimes the fieves got tangled each other in one village.In this study I made it clear, by means of various historical materials, how the Hatamotos' fieves were distributed in five provinces generically named ‘Kinai’-Settsu, Kawachi, Izumi, Yamato and Yamashiro-which cover the present Osaka and Nara Prefecture, and a part of Hyogo and Kyoto Prefecture. I also studied why the Hatamotos were given their fieves in these districts, and classified the Hatamotos whose fieves were in Kinai into the following four types:1) Some were vassals of the Toyotomi family, the virtual ruler of Japan before the Tokugawa Shogunate. They had their fieves near Osaka, which was the stronghold of the Toyotomi family. After the fall of the family they served the Shogunate as Hatamotos and were permitted to have their fieves as they had been.2) Before the 17th century some proceeded to their posts as local government officials of the main cities in such districts as Osaka, Kyoto, Nara, Sakai and so forth, and obtained fieves near their posts. But after the 18th century any instances of this kind were not observed.3) Some relatives of the Daimyos who had their castles in Kinai became Hatamotos, given some parts of the Daimyos' fieves.4) Some others were not Samurais but doctors, scholars, artists and the like living in Kyoto. Having those special occupations by inheritance, they got the position of ‘Hatamoto.’Thus these four types characterize Hatamotos of the Kinai districts, but it seems that the case is different with the Kanto districts (centering around Edo-now Tokyo).Comparing the fieves in Kinai with those in Kanto, we will notice another distinct feature; in Kinai the rule by the same family over each of their fieves lasted relatively longer than in Kanto. The reign of the Hatamotos in the Kanto districts became nominal gradually, whereas the Hatamotos in Kinki, who established their mansions in their fieves as a center of their government, maintained their prestige as rulers.

著者

市川 康夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.101-119, 2017 (Released:2017-04-28)

参考文献数

73

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1990年代以降,経済のグローバル化と世界を取り巻く農業の環境変化のなか,いかに農業・農村の価値を再び見出すかという課題において農業の多面的機能(Multifunctional Agriculture: MFA)は多くの議論を集めてきた。特に,WTO を中心とする貿易自由化交渉において,農業・農村に対する先進諸国の多額の補助金が国際ルールの削減対象となったことで,MFA はヨーロッパを中心とする農業への保護が必要な諸国に政治的に利用されてきた。本研究は,MFA をめぐる研究が蓄積されてきた英仏語圏の議論を中心に,その登場の背景と諸概念,フィールド研究への応用の点から整理し,その政治的文脈と理論的な背景を明確にすることを目的とした。MFA 論は,1990年代に提唱されたポスト生産主義論との関連のなかで発展してきた。特に生産主義/ポスト生産主義という二項対立や,ポスト生産主義論の抱える概念的な限界性は,MFA 論の拡大へと引き継がれ,理論的・概念的な研究を中心に議論が展開されてきた。一方,ポスト生産主義への批判点ともなっていた実証研究の不足は MFA 論でも同様であり,MFA 論の実践と応用をフィールド研究にいかに位置付けるかを,地理学者 Wilson の概念を中心に論じた。MFA 論の応用においては政策との関わりからその農家への影響を精査し,広い地域的フレームで捉えることが重要といえる。また,今後は地理的スケールや国ごとの政治的文脈の差異に着目し,マクロな文脈とミクロな農家との相互関係の解明が求められる。

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.3, pp.414-415, 2018 (Released:2018-10-31)

著者

石川 榮吉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.6, pp.521-522, 1953-02-28 (Released:2009-04-30)

著者

松田 敦志

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.492-508, 2003

被引用文献数

1

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In the suburban residential areas developed before World War II, some problems, such as the division of a housing lot, the rebuilding of a residence and the progress of aging, have been arising recently. Development of residential suburbs before the war is thought to be a part of urban development and to have produced the present life style, that is, the separation of home and workplace so that it has an important historical meaning from the viewpoint of the formation of city and urban life style.<br>We cannot ignore the private railway company, especially in Kansai region, when we consider the developments of residential suburbs. Therefore, in this paper, I study the private railway company that has influenced developments of residential suburbs. And I clarify its management strategy and the specific characteristics of the residential suburbs developed by the private railway company, Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company.<br>It was necessary for the private railway company to increase transportation demand by carrying out various activities, in order to secure stable income, because it had only one or a few short and local railway lines. But, since Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company had many sightseeing spots along its line, it first aimed for the stability of management not by developing any areas along its line, but by promoting its sightseeing areas and expanding its routes. However, it began to set about the developments along its lines gradually after the end of Taisho Period. It developed the residential areas along its lines, utilizing the advantage as a railway company, for example, preparation of a new station and offering a commuter pass as a gift to people who moved to residential areas along its lines. Some characteristic scenes such as little streams and roadside trees, some urban utilities and facilities such as electrical and gas equipment, some playing-around spaces such as parks or tennis courts, which the middle class who were aiming for a better life wanted, were prepared in these residential areas. It tried to obtain constant commuting demands by urging them to move to these suburbs.<br>For example, it connected its route to Yamamoto and built a station there consciously. And then, it developed the residential areas around Yamamoto Station in collaboration with the Sumitomo Company. Osaka Denki Kido Railway and Sumitomo produced the image of residential suburb as an education zone by inviting schools there, and tried to maintain the good habitation environment by imposing housing construction regulation on residents. In this way, many of the middle class families moved into the residential area at Yamamoto before the war. Moreover, Osaka Denki Kido Railway encouraged residential developments around that area, and consequently the suburbs were expanded.<br>After all, Osaka Denki Kido Railway produced some residential suburbs along its line for the middle class before the war, although that time was a little later compared with Hankyu Railway. The reason was that its management strategy was to secure stable demands of transport. As suburban life grew up gradually there, that increased the number of suburban residents, and the residential suburbs were developed around them further. In other words, Osaka Denki Kido Railway has been responsible for the expansion of the suburbs.

著者

大島 襄二

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.16-28,82, 1957

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The seaside villages of Matoya Bay, located at the middle of the Shima Peninsula (Mie Prefecture), were known by the name of Matoya Oyster, which was comparable with Miyagi Oyster or Hiroshima Oyster. Moreover, this peninsula is so famous for the cultured pearl, especially at Ago area, that this Matoya area, standing very close to the place, it is inevitable to be influenced by that.<br>This paper has an aim to analyse the character of this area from the viewpoint of marine farmings, especially the relation between oyster culture and pearl culture.<br>Matoya Bay is very unique in topographical features, very remarkable drowned-valley: the length is over 10km from the entrance of this bay to the inner end, and the width is only about 100m at the narrowest part of channel, or at most 1200m at the mouth of the bay.<br>This bay is divided as follows:<br>Demension of water surface Depth of water<br>A) Iz&ocirc;-ura 2.0km² 1-3m<br>B) Channel part 2.5km² 3-7m<br>C) Mouth of bay 7.5km² 5-10m<br>On the total of this bay, it has about eight time's demension of the catchment of water, but at Iz&ocirc;-ura, the most inner part of this bay, the catchment area is over 35 times as wide as that of water surface. This fact is that, the bay is very much influenced by the rainfall, and it is not so good condition to pearl culture, but desirable to oyster culture, for these marine farmings depend on the salinity of water. From this point, it is thus considered that the part A is the most prosperous part of oyster fishing. Actually, it was so, till the oyster fishery did not develop to oyster culturing. But about 1930 (the early years of Sh&ocirc;wa), some epoch-making change came to this fishery. That is hang-down method of oyster culture. This method has been used on pearl culture about 50 years before, and, when it was applied to oyster, Iz&ocirc;-ura is too shallow to this mothod. Then, at this part, people gave up this fishing, and this part became only supplier of fishing labour of the other part, or the other labour.<br>Parts B and C, two marine farmings are standing now. It is a little dangerous to pearl, for the salinity of water is not always good for it. Nevertheless, as the profit of pearl culture is larger than the other, so it is generalized at this parts of Motoya, at some risk, especially after the war. During the wartime, pearl culture was prohibited, while oyster culture was promoted, this parts of bay were filled by rafts of oyster, but now they are altered by rafts of pearl.<br>Now Matoya area is no longer the place of oyster production, but it shows the aspect of Ago area, and pearl culture is much attractive to these villages.

著者

梶田 真

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.5, pp.423-442, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

101

被引用文献数

1

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Between the 1990s and 2000s, Anglophone researchers engaged in active discussions concerning policy relevance, the so-called ‘policy (re)turn’ debate. This debate occurred almost exclusively among academics, or what might be termed ‘pure’ geographers, and lacked participation from applied geographers and practitioners. This paper seeks to clarify the nature of these debates in the field of applied geography. Furthermore, this work examines relationships between applied geographers, so-called geographic practitioners, and “pure” geographers as well as academic establishments in the Anglophone world, especially in the United States, since the 1970s.First, this paper traces developmental processes within the field of applied geography since the early 1970s. In contrast to the pattern in Europe, within American academia applied geography lost vigor because of the strong theoretical focus that gained popularity in the discipline. This shift might be termed the rise of the ‘new geography’ within American academia. Additionally, another factor was a growing demand for positions at the level of university teaching staff owing to postwar economic prosperity and the entrance of baby boomers to university.There was, however, a resurgence of applied geography shortly after this initial decline of practical studies in favor of theoretical research. Following the relevance debate and the decrease of student enrollment within the field, applied geography began to once again gain popularity in the 1970s. These changes in the discipline were mainly brought about by state universities. These institutions were highly dependent on state subsidies and were therefore also governed by state policy. The geographical academies also pushed for the development of the field of applied geography. The Applied Geography Specialty Group (AGSG) and the James R. Anderson Medal of the Association of American Geographers (AAG) were established for distinguished applied geographers. Academic journals such as Applied Geography were also launched in the early 1980s.Since the 1990s, there has been a rise in geographical information technologies such as geographic information systems (GISs) and remote sensing. Owing to the popularization of the field through technological developments, an interest in geography was developed outside of the academic discipline. Following this development in the discipline, the National Research Council (NRC) published two documents, Rediscovering geography (NRC, 1997) and Understanding the changing planet (NRC, 2011). These reports emphasized the relevance and applied aspects of geography.However, academic studies in applied geography did not flourish in comparison with institutionalized progress within the field. Academic journals and sections of journals allotted to applied geography stagnated or were discontinued. Results taken from a citation analysis of journals such as Applied Geography and other key human geography journals demonstrate a lack of interaction between ‘pure’ geographers and applied geographers.This paper further discusses relationships between ‘pure’ geographers and academic establishments within the discipline of geography. ‘Pure’ geographers tended to criticize applied geographers for their lack of theoretical and philosophical grounding. They further critiqued applied geographers as free riders of geographical methodologies who made little contribution to their evolution. ‘Critical turn’ movements in geography led ‘pure’ geographers to exclusively concentrate their interests even further on thoughts and concepts in methodology with a philosophical background. Owing to these debates, these scholars asked applied geographers to reconsider the foundations of their research area and the relevant questions.[View PDF for the rest of the abstract.]

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.258-259, 2017 (Released:2017-07-07)

著者

三浦 総子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.31-50,95, 1960-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

1

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Since the Meiji Restoration with the advance of manufacturing techniques and the growth of markets, there have been many developments in the pottery industry new productive centers, and concentration of production and changes in production system. As a result, regional difference in production have become obvious.In the case of the pottery industry in Nagoya city, it was not a traditional center for pottery and was far from the clay deposits. Nevertheless, it became a pottery producing center at the beginning of the Meiji era and has since developed more than the traditional pottery centers since 1908; it now claims 20% of the pottery production in Japan. There are only a few large-scale factories which produce foreign-style table wares and insulators for export, but many small-scale specialized enterprises which produce export goods.Nagoya pottery centers have special characteristics which differ from the traditional centers in respect to the kind of production, size of the factories and the system of production. Finishing processors have played an important role in the development of Nagoya centers. They have bought unfinished pottery from traditional pottery centers such as Seto and Tono (eastern part of Gifu Pref.) and have decorated it to meet the demands of foreign markets.Since the Nagoya industry was managed by former farmers and marchants and not by traditional pottery-producers. They were able to subordinate traditional poducers by contracting home-industry workers and Samurai who had lost their social position. In this way, they have been able to produce and sale at a low price and have gotten control of the foreign market over more advanced countries. Nippon China Co. which is the largest pottery-producing factory in Japan has grown in just this way.Nagoya has the advantage of being a port-city and of being located near the traditional pottery centers. Other general tendencies such as Japan's developing role in world trade, and the development of transportation and manufacturing techniques have contributed to the growth of the industry in Nagoya. But, even more important is the fact that capital and labor in Nagoya have been able to work efficiently without the restraint of tradition.

著者

海野 一隆

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.3, pp.209-212, 1957-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

2