著者

岩淵 令治

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.353-428, 2011-11

著者

小林 忠雄

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, pp.371-410, 1995-01

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本稿は日本の民俗的な色彩感覚が,明治末期から昭和初期の間に変容したという問題意識を前提に論じたものである。それは,主として新たに近代化された都市社会の出現と呼応しており,その背景には西洋文化や知識の移入による影響があるものと考えられる。ちなみに,まず日本の民俗感覚としての色彩認識については,一つには色名などを使った言語文化における認識と,もう一つは多様な色彩の材料を駆使して表現された物質文化における認識のあり方が考えられ,そのなかで基層感覚と覚しき部分について概説し,感覚の近代化とは何かについて問題提起した。つづいて,都市における色彩を具体的に示した文献として,『近代庶民生活誌』全10巻,および今和次郎『モデルノロジオ(考現学)』をとりあげ,そのなかから色彩語彙に関係した箇所,約400項目を抽出し,色彩ごとに分類し並べてみた。その結果,1930年前後において,東京や大阪といった大都市における人々の色彩の捉え方が微妙に変容していることが分かった。その変容については,とりあえず赤・青・白・黒・紫の各色についてのみ,何がどのように変わったのかについて分析してみた。同じく,変容には都市のなかで新たに出現した色彩傾向がある。それは黄・緑・ピンクといった人工色であって,さらに赤・青・紫の色の組合せ現象にも注目された。そして,近世まで都市において顕著であった五色のハレ(晴れ)感覚から,近代においては七色という,これまで識別されていなかった光のスペクトル感覚による色の認識が立ち表れ,庶民の色彩認識に大きな変革がなされたとみられる。本稿は,そのような変容の要素を,都市が生成した民俗という視点から捉え,次に何かが言えないだろうかという,今後の民俗研究への指針を求めた,あくまで実験的な試みである。In this paper, I have worked on the assumption that we have come to recognize a change in Japanese feeling for colors in our folk customs between the end of the Meiji period and the beginning of Shōwa period. This period of change mainly corresponds to the appearance of the first modernized urban societies; and behind it, there seems to be influences introduced from Western culture and knowledge.For example, in connection with the Japanese awareness of colors in our folk customs, we can see that one reaction to our awareness of colors is shown in the use of color names in our linguistic culture, and another is shown in the use of various color materials in our material culture. I have outlined the basic feeling of awareness and so raise the question "what is the modernization of feelings?"Next, I introduce two books: "Living Record of Modern Common People" (ten volumes) published by San-ichi Shobō and "Modernology" written by Wajirō Kon, as the reference materials which clearly indicate the colors in urban communities. Then, from them, I have extracted about 400 items which related to the color terms and listed them classified under different colors.As a result, the people's taste of colors in big cities such as Tokyo and Osaka changed slightly around 1930. I analyzed about what and how it changed, taking a selection from each of 5 colors: red, blue, white, black and purple.In this change, there are, moreover, new tendencies for colors to appear in urban communities. They are artificial colors such as yellow, green and pink, and color combinations of red, blue and purple were also to be seen.A great change might occur in the common people's awareness of colors because the ceremonial color responses with 5 colors which were noticeable in towns until the end of Edo period, were replaced by new responses with 7 colors divided by spectrum of light in the Meiji and the Taisho periods, which had not been found before.In this paper, I introduced an empirical survey to show the essence of the change from the viewpoint of folk customs created by urban communities, and to indicate a direction for future folk custom study of what to expect next.

著者

澤井 真代

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.443-471[含 英語文要旨], 2008-03

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琉球諸島において集落単位の儀礼を中心的に担うノロやツカサといった女性神役は従来、神に祈り儀礼に奉仕するのみの存在と見なされる傾向があったが、一九八〇年代以降、神と交感する能力を豊かに有する女性神役の事例が報告され、従来の女性神役像が拡大された。ただ、琉球諸島の女性神役をめぐる問題は、神との交感に収斂する事柄にとどまらないことも次第に明らかにされつつある。一九八〇年代以降にとられるようになった、個々の神役の生活史や神観念に接近する方法により、神役の職能をめぐる様々な問題を明らかにし、琉球諸島の女性神役の多様なあり方を提示することを目指しつつ、本稿では石垣島川平における女性神役「ツカサ(司)」の就任過程と、ツカサの祈願方法の中核にあると言い得る唱え言「カンフツ(神口)」について報告する。川平では、集落の四つの拝所「オン(御嶽)」のそれぞれに一人ずつ、全部で四人のツカサが儀礼における祈願を担っている。ツカサは各オンの由来に深く関わる家に父系でつながる女性から選ばれるのが基本で、候補者が複数の場合、近年は神籤により一人のツカサが選ばれる。神役選出の籤については従来、近年に導入された合理的方法という見方がされてきたが、籤に参加する女性たちは、神籤の場で経験した不可思議な出来事をしばしば語り、籤の場を神の力のはたらく場と捉えている点が着目される。選出された女性は、就任儀礼「ヤマダキ」を経て、年間の儀礼に携わる。日頃から各オンの管理の任にあたる「カンムトゥヤー(神元家)」と呼ばれる家があるが、ヤマダキにおいて新任のツカサは、このカンムトゥヤーの一室に三日三晩籠り、その間、通ってくる前任のツカサや他のツカサから年間の儀礼の意味合いや各儀礼で唱えるカンフツについて教えられ続ける。ツカサの唱え言カンフツは、その習得が四人のツカサのみに厳しく限られており、儀礼の場で唱えられる時もツカサ以外の人には聞き知られないようになっているが、ツカサ四人の間では「カンフツツラシ」という唱え合わせの機会が定期的にもたれ、把握する文言や内容の統一がはかられている。カンフツは、変えてはならないとされるその形式が重視される一方で、儀礼目的や祈願内容といった意味を具体的に神に伝えるというはたらきがより重視されている。そうしたカンフツの意味には、ツカサ四人での間で教授される意味のほかに、ツカサ一人一人が考えながら習得していく意味もある。新任のツカサは儀礼での実践を積みながら何年もかけてカンフツの形式と意味を身につけていくが、その習得過程については今後さらに調査と考察を行なう必要がある。The duties of priestesses called noro and tsukasa who fulfill central roles in village rituals in the Ryukyu Islands had been regarded as consisting only of praying to kami and performing rituals. However, since the 1980s the conventional image of priestesses has widened as a result of reported cases of priestesses possessing ample skills in communicating with kami. It has gradually become clear, however, that there is more to this matter involving priestesses from the Ryukyu Islands than their communication with kami. Access to the life histories of priestesses and religious ideologies since the 1980s has raised various questions surrounding the function of priestesses. With the aim of presenting the diverse nature of priestesses in the Ryukyu Islands, this paper discusses the inauguration process for priestesses, who in Kabira, Ishigaki Island are called tsukasa, and chants called "kanfutsu," which lie at the core of the method of prayer adopted by tsukasa.In Kabira, one tsukasa is responsible for prayers during rituals at each of the village's four places of worship called "on," making a total of four tsukasa. In principle, women selected as tsukasa have paternal links to a family closely associated with the origin of each of the on. In cases where there is more than one candidate, the recent custom has been to select the tsukasa by drawing lots. Although selection by means of the drawing of lots is considered a practical method introduced recently, the women who participate in this process tell of frequent mysterious experiences at such times and believe the drawing of lots to be the work of kami. The successful candidate performs rituals throughout the year having undertaken an inauguration ceremony called "Yamadaki." Usually, there is a family referred to as the "Kanmutuya" that is responsible for each on. During the Yamadaki, the newly appointed tsukasa is confined in one of the Kanmutuya's rooms for three days and three nights, during which time her predecessor or other tsukasa visit her to teach her the significance of the annual rituals and the kanfutsu chanted at each ritual.The learning of kanfutsu is restricted to the four tsukasa. When chants are made during a ritual they are performed so that they cannot be heard by anyone else. Regular opportunities are made for the four tsukasa to chant together in what is called "kanfutsu tsurashi." The aim of this practice is to standardize the language and content. While it is important that the format of the kanfutsu remains intact, more importance is attached to the purpose of a ritual and the meaning of the prayer to be said to kami. In addition to the meaning of the kanfutsu taught among the four tsukasa, kanfutsu also acquire a meaning which is thought up by each tsukasa on her own. A newly appointed tsukasa spends years acquiring practical experience in performing rituals and becoming proficient in the formats and meanings of kanfutsu. The acquisition of this skill requires further investigation and discussion.

著者

大塚 宜明

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.200, pp.1-35, 2016-01-31

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本論では,日本列島中央部(愛鷹・箱根山麓,関東地方,中部高地)を対象に,ナイフ形石器製作技術と石材の利用状況を検討する。それにより,姶良Tn火山灰(以下AT)下位石器群における石器製作技術の地域化のあり方とその背景を明らかにする。第一に,愛鷹・箱根山麓のAT下位石器群を対象に,ナイフ形石器の技術的特徴に注目し,出土層位を踏まえ4グループに区分した。そして,ナイフ形石器の調整技術とサイズおよび素材構成を観点に整理することで,時間的な4つの段階として捉えた。第二に,¹⁴C年代および広域テフラとナイフ形石器製作技術を観点に,中部高地と関東地方の石器群を検討し,愛鷹・箱根山麓との編年対比を行なった。以上の検討により,日本列島中央部のAT下位石器群における編年(Ⅹ~Ⅵ層段階)を構築した。その結果,Ⅸ層段階は全地域で対比できたものの,Ⅹ・Ⅶ層段階に対比される石器群は中部高地には確認できず,Ⅵ層段階の愛鷹・箱根山麓のナイフ形石器製作技術は中部高地と関東地方の両方と異なることが明らかになった。第三に,日本列島中央部における地域間の関係を明らかにするために,黒耀石利用の時期的変遷を検討した。結果,信州産黒耀石の供給地(中部高地)と消費地(関東地方,愛鷹・箱根山麓)という関係性,地域間のつながり,それらとナイフ形石器製作技術の結びつきを確認することができた。最後に,ナイフ形石器製作技術の変遷と石材利用を総合的に検討した。それにより,列島中央部のAT下位石器群には石材利用の在地化(Ⅶ層段階)とナイフ形石器製作技術の地域化(Ⅵ層段階)がみとめられ,それらは時期にして一段階分のズレがあることがわかった。そして,この石材利用とナイフ形石器の画期の時間的なズレを,原料の地域化がきっかけとなり,ナイフ形石器製作技術が地域独自化するという列島中央部における石器製作技術の地域化の過程(人類の定着)として位置づけた。

著者

木下 光生

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.271-290, 2011-11

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本稿は、日本の賤民と百姓が一八世紀後半~一九世紀以降、自他の身分を強く意識し出す状況を素材として、共同研究の全体テーマ「身体と人格をめぐる言説と実践」を、日本近世史研究において問うことの意義を考えるものである。本テーマは、これまでの近世史研究ではほとんど意識されてこなかったが、その問いを、自己の「客観的な実態」(身体)と「自己認識」(人格)の間に生ずるズレやせめぎ合いをめぐる問題に置き換えてみれば、近世史研究で残されている課題、とりわけ賤民と百姓の自他認識論として議論することが可能となる。そしてそうした視点にたつと、一八世紀後半~一九世紀という時代のもつ重要性が鮮やかに映し出されることとなる。通常、右の時代は、民衆の力によって身分(制)社会が「動揺」「崩壊(解体)」する時代として描かれがちである。だが、当該期の賤民や百姓が邁進した地位向上運動をつぶさに見てみると、当時の民衆が「身分」を相対化しようとしていたどころか、むしろそれにこだわりまくり、身分を拠り所にした自己表明を、運動によって公言して憚らない人びとであった点に気づかされる。しかもそれらの運動は、いずれも、他身分・他賤民との「平等」ではなく、「差別化」を図ろうとするものばかりであり、それに邁進すればするほど、本来複雑な実態をもつ「客観的な自己」と「自分が自覚する自己」をひたすら乖離・分裂させるものであった。こうした動向を、単に「限界」視するのは無意味であり、人びとが「身分」に寄り添おうとした切実な思いに、もっと肉迫し得るような発想と時代認識をもたなければならない。加えて、他者との「差別化」を孕むような地位向上運動は、近現代日本社会でも確認できる。その意味で、「身体と人格をめぐる言説と実践」という問いかけは、「前近代/近代」という既存の時間認識を相対化する可能性も秘めている。This paper focuses on how outcastes (senmin) and peasants (hyakusho) developed an awareness of their status identities and struggled to improve their status in Tokugawa Japan, especially from the late 18th century.Late Tokugawa Japan is usually described as a transitional period in which the existing status system (mibunsei) moved towards collapse under the pressure of ordinary people expressing mounting dissatisfaction with the status quo. However, a closer look at the rights movements of outcastes and peasants attempting to improve their status and protect their interests reveals that far from eroding the status system, their efforts actually tended to reaffirm it.For example, when sanmaihijiri tried to get rid of status prejudice against them, they appealed to the public to recognize their nobility and refrain from regarding them as outcastes like eta ( kawata) or hinin. Kawata too objected to being labelled as eta, claiming that they were actually peasants (kawata-hyakusho) and attempting to shift discrimination against them to other outcastes by describing those they saw as genuine eta or outcastes as beggars. Further, when peasants found themselves in confrontation with outcastes, especially with regard to agricultural interests, they often claimed that from the outset outcastes lacked both the right and qualifications to engage in agriculture.Although these people engaged in serious discussion about their identities, their views unfortunately did not match the reality. Not all outcastes were beggars ( while, in fact, some beggars were of peasant status) , and many outcastes had been engaged in agriculture for a long time. ( Recent studies show that the living standards of most outcastes were almost the same as those of peasants.) The above history of struggle to clarify status identities thus reveals bitter contradictions and dilemmas, with the rights movements creating an ever wider gap between subjective identity ( how people viewed their status and that of others) and objective identity ( actual status) .Clinging to a status system may seem like an old-fashioned, feudalistic attitude, but the fact is that similar movements have taken place in modern Japan too. As such, divisions such as "modern" and "pre-modern" (or feudalistic) are essentially meaningless, and we would do well to develop a new paradigm for thinking about historical time.

著者

小島 美子

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.321-334, 1991-03-30

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The most important characteristic the Japanese folkloric music has is to improvise words best suited to the mood of the moment, or to pick up the words that have been sung from old times, to a tune. There we find one of the most spontaneous behaviour of musical expression.In contrast to the above, at Edo (now Tokyo) from the Early Modern Times to the Present Days, much of people did not sing “min'yo” (folk songs), but they sang “zokkyoku” short popular tunes sang to the accompaniment of a Shamisen, or popular songs. Among the “zokkyoku” they used to sing, there were genres of songs like “Dodoitsu”(ditties) that can be sung easily by improvising the words, though the sentiment that can be expressed by this genre of songs is very much limited.In that context, we must say that the music of people at Edo at that time from the Early Modern to the present day, as an act of expressing their feeling, was extremely poor.It is with karaoke that the citizens of the presentday cities who have half lost the habit of singing have regained that habit. With karaoke, there exists a normative form even for singing, not to mention improvising the words, so much so that there is little space left for spontaneity. However, we can say that at least the act of singing spontaneously, that is, the very essential part of the folkloric music, is barely revived among the city dwellers with the help of karaoke, produced in its turn, by the development of audio devices.

著者

山岸 常人

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.p161-193, 1992-12

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本稿は、中世の寺院において本堂或はその他の仏堂の中に何らかの意図をもって納め置かれた文書―仏堂納置文書と呼ぶことにする―をとりあげ、その納置の状態・納置文書の種類や機能・蔵に納置された文書との関係等について、主として栄山寺・高野山・金剛寺等の納置の事例をたどりながら、寺院内部における文書の安定的な保管についての原理と現実について考察を加える。文書納置には様々な種類の仏堂が使われているが、中でも御影堂・本堂、とりわけ御影堂が特に史料的に豊富な情報を残しており、御影堂が多くの寺に共通して重用されていた。多数の文書が仏堂に納置された要因は、併存する複数の僧侶集団、さらには寺外の諸権門との間での様々な権利が対立する際、権利を保障する支証となる文書の所在とその確かな伝領を実現するためにふさわしい機能を仏堂がもっていた点にある。寺の開祖や宗祖を祀る御影堂が特に選ばれているのは、世俗の諸権力より上位の権力に文書の保管を委ねたと見ることができる。ただしこのシステムは架空の上位権力の存在を想定して成立している擬制とも言えるものであった。このことは笠松宏至氏の言う「仏物」誤用禁止の法理とも共通する理念であるが、その法理の裏では、高野山の御手印縁起等の奉納状や十聴衆評定で定められた出納手続、或は文書の書面上に御影堂納置文書である旨を示す文言を加筆すること等、実態を伴った管理制度の完備によって初めて保管の実効性が保証されていた。更には金堂には下書を、御影堂には正文を置くような危険を分散する方式も編み出されて、それを補完したはずである。即ち理念や擬制だけで現実の利害や権力に対抗しきれるものではなかった。なお仏堂に納置される文書は公験・荘園文書など寺家の権利に直接関わるものに主として限られ、法会文書などは納められず、また年貢なども別の収納施設に納められ、寺内の収納施設は目的により俊別されていた。仏堂に文書を納置することは正に中世寺院の組織構造を直接に反映した現象であった。This paper looks at documents stored with some intention in the main sanctuary or other sanctuaries of Buddhist temples in the Middle Ages …… hereafter called "documents stored in Buddhist temples". The author examines the principles and actual situation of the secure storage of documents in temples, by tracing examples of storage mainly in Eizanji, Kôyasan, and Kongôji temples, with regard to conditions of storage, types and functions of the stored documents, and their relation with documents stored in warehouses.Various types of Buddhist sanctuaries, such as the Mieidô and the main sanctuary, were used for the storage of documents. The Mieidô, in particular, contain an abundance of historical information, and commonly held an important position in many temples. The reason many documents were stored in Buddhist sanctuaries was that these buildings were appropriate for the storage and accurate transmission of documentary evidence regarding rights, in case of confrontation between opposing groups of Buddhist priests, or disputes with various influential powers outside the temple. It seems that the Mieidô, which is dedicated to the founder of the temple or the sect, was particularly chosen for the storage of documents because a higher power than secular powers was entrusted with the storage of documents. However, this system can be said to have been a false system, which was established on the assumption of the assistance of a fictional higher authority. This idea has something in common with the legal principles behind the prohibition of the misuse of "Buddhist objects" as stated by Mr. Kasamatsu Hiroshi. Behind this principle, the validity of the documents stored in the Buddhist sanctuaries was assured only when a control system in line with real conditions was perfected, that is, letters of dedication, such as the Goshuin-engi of Kôyasan, accounting procedures determined by a meeting of ten, the addition of a phrase indicating that the documents were stored in the Mieidô, etc. Furthermore, a method of spreading risk, such as storing a draft in the main hall in addition to the original document in the Mieidô, must have been devised for greater assurance. In other words, actual interests and powers cannot have been countered by only principles or a false system. It should be further noted that the documents stored in Buddhist sanctuaries were principally limited to official documents and manor documents, those are directly related to the temples' rights and interests, documents on Buddhist meetings were not stored there, and annual land tax was stored in other storehouses. In this way, storage facilities in temples were distinguished according to purpose.The storage of documents in Buddhist sanctuaries was really a phenomenon which directly reflected the organizational structure of the temples in the Middle Ages.

著者

川村 清志

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.199, pp.143-169, 2015-12

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本論は,近代日本において生地からの移動によって見いだされた故郷の物語が,現代においてどのように変貌し,実体と言説の境界面においてどのようなゆらぎを抱えているかを検討する。故郷を巡る物語は,様々なメディアのなかに表出され,出郷や離郷,場合によっては故郷喪失の経験をもつ多数の都市生活者の内面に刻み込まれてきた。そのような物語はいくつかの定型を構成しつつ,地方にとどまった者や地域間を往還する者たちにも受容され,変奏されて紡ぎだされていった。これまで故郷観や故郷の物語についての研究の多くは,都市に住む出郷者たちの社会組織や心性の問題として論じられてきた。しかし,本論では表象される側であった故郷において内在的に,あるいは相互交渉的に語られる故郷の物語に注目する。同時に現代において故郷からの移動の経験を身体化し,故郷と新たな生活の場としての「第二の故郷」との距離をはかりつつ生活する人びとによってどのように再構成されているのかに焦点をあてる。以上の目的を検証するために石川県輪島市門前町七浦地区にあった七浦小学校の同窓会の会誌を取りあげる。この同窓会は明治の終わりに成立して以来,本部を七浦地区におき,地元の卒業生と出郷者との交流を目的とした会誌を発行してきた。ここでは質量ともに会誌がもっとも充実していた1980年代中頃から90年代にかけての誌面に登場する記事の検証を行う。近代初期に移動によって生み出された故郷の物語が,世代を超えて続く地域間の往還の経験や,世帯や家格に関係なく生じる離郷経験のなかで,物語そのものの解体,ないしは内破にむかう可能性について考えていく。現実の故郷はひたすら過疎化し,高齢化していくなかで,故郷の物語がどのように語られていくのか,その徴候をこの時期の会誌から読み解いていきたいと考える。This paper analyzes how the hometown memories of emigrants who left their homes in modern Japan have changed in the present times and what differences exist between the memories and reality. Hometown memories have been expressed by various media and imprinted in the minds of many urban residents who left or lost their homes. While evolving into different forms, these memories have also been accepted and adapted by people who continued to live in their hometowns and who migrated between regions.Most prior studies on people's perceptions and memories of their hometowns focused on the social organizations and views of urban residents who emigrated from their homes; this paper is centered on how the people who continue to live in their hometowns create hometown memories by themselves or in interaction with emigrants. At the same time, this paper embodies the experience of emigration in the present times to analyze how people who are living in new places while keeping the balance between their original and second homes remember their hometowns.This paper examines some bulletins published by the alumni association of Shitsura Elementary School in Shitsura District, Monzen-machi, Wajima City, Ishikawa Prefecture, to analyze the above-mentioned points. Since its establishment at the end of the Meiji Period, the alumni association has placed its headquarters in Shitsura District and issued bulletins to facilitate communication between local alumni and those who emigrated from the district. This paper examines the articles of the alumni bulletins at their peak in quality and quantity, from the mid-1980s to the 1990s. The results are used to analyze the possibility that hometown memories created by migrants in the early modern times will be broken or imploded by the experience of migration between regions over generations or the experience of emigration that occurs regardless of the family rank or household they were born into. This paper analyzes the bulletins published when the population of the district was declining and aging to reveal how hometown memories changed in parallel with the process.

著者

網 伸也

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.111-136, 2007-03

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古代都城において「京」の空間に方形街区が形成されるのは天武朝以降であり、藤原京(新益京)には計画的な条坊街区が造営された。そして、平城京以後の諸宮では、「京」における条坊の存在が既成事実として議論されてきた。しかし、「京」は王権の所在地として周辺地域から視的あるいは理念的に区別される空間であり、方形街区としての条坊の有無は本質的に「京」の必要条件とはならない。実際に、奈良時代における「京」の概念には条坊街区の存在はあまり考慮されておらず、宮を中心に広がる特別な政治領域を「京」として捉えていたことがわかる。そして、宮城を取り囲む「京」に街区が形成される場合にも、計画的に条坊街区が造営される場合と、必要に応じて街区が造営されていく場合が想定できる。ここでは、まず都城成立期である藤原京の考察を行い、日本の古代都城がいかにして確立していったかを明らかにし、平城京をはじめとする奈良時代の「京」の実態分析を行った。その結果、古代都城の構造には、全体の京域条坊プランを計画的に設定し宮城もその計画線の中に収めていくタイプ(計画線閉合型)と、まず宮の造営を行い必要に応じて京域の条坊を施工していくタイプ(中軸線開放型)があることが判明した。厳密にいえば、全体の方形地割計画線を設定する前者のタイプは藤原京と平城京だけであり、その構造原理は形を変えて平安京にも引き継がれたと想定できる。その他の都城は宮の造営が先行し、宮の造営中軸線あるいは東西計画線を基準にして京域街区が形成された。長岡京も宮城の造営がまず先行して行われており、その京域にできるだけ計画的条坊を施工しようとした特殊な都城であったため、構造的矛盾を孕む結果となってしまったと考えられる。桓武天皇の再度にわたる平安京遷都は、特殊な長岡京造営の中で実現することができなかった計画的都城の完成をめざして行われたと考えられるのである。The adoption of a block street pattern for the space of the "capital" ("kyo") in ancient walled cities began during the Temmu era when Fujiwara-kyo (Aramashi-kyo) was built following a planned grid pattern. The existence of a grid pattern as a fait accompli for capitals with palaces from the time of Heijo-kyo onwards has been the subject of debate. However, as the location of imperial power, the capital was a space that was visually and conceptually separated from the surrounding area so that in essence the presence of a grid pattern for the streets was not an absolute requirement to make it a capital. In fact, little consideration was taken of the existence of a grid pattern for streets within the concept of a capital during the Nara period. We know that a special political sector that expanded outward from a palace at the center was viewed as constituting a capital. We may also assume that even when streets were built in a capital with an enclosed palace there were instances when a planned grid pattern was adopted and others in which streets were built as the need arose.This paper considers Fujiwara-kyo which was built at a time when walled cities were first established in Japan. It discusses the process by which ancient walled cities were built and investigates the capitals of the Nara period, of which Heijo-kyo was the first. The findings reveal that either one of two structures was adopted for these ancient walled cities. One entailed a planned grid pattern for the entire capital with a palace incorporated in the plan (planned closed type), while in the other type the palace was built first and a grid pattern implemented for the area of the capital as the need arose (central axis, open type). Strictly speaking, the first type with its grid pattern covering the entire area applies to only the Fujiwara and Heijo capitals. However, following a change to its underlying principle, this structure was also most likely adopted for the Heian capital. In other walled cities the construction of the palace occurred first, whereupon the streets were created based on the palace located along a central axis, or on a line projecting east to west. In the case of Nagaoka-kyo too, the palace was built first, and because an attempt had been made to build a unique walled city following a planned grid pattern wherever possible, the result included some structural contradictions. It is possible that Emperor Kammu shifted the capital to Heian for a second time with the aim of completing the planned walled city that he was unable to achieve when building Nagaoka-kyo.

著者

平川 南

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, pp.351-391, 2002-03

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今,歴史学に対して新たな研究視点として,日本の歴史における自然と人間の交渉史の実像を明確に示すことが求められている。そこで,本稿は,自然環境としての河川との関わりを通して地域支配の実態を明らかにしたい。以下,本稿では,地域支配と河川について,次の四つの視点から究明を試みた。① これまでの地理的関係から内陸部とみられた地域の中に,外洋に面する河口と同様に,直線的に河川が外洋につながり,"第二河口"と位置づけられた地域が存在したのではないか。② 宮都や城柵のような国家施設造営にあたり,それらの施設は水運の便を十分に活用するために宮都や城柵内部に河川を引き込む形で占地している。しかし,それは洪水という災害を同時に抱え込むことを意味している。いいかえれば,これまで長岡京や志波(しわ)城について,その廃都や廃城は水害を直接的理由としてきたが,それは造営当初から十分に予測できたのではないか。③ 律令体制下に,郡の津(つ)(港)として外洋に望む河口部や津を管理する「津司(つのつかさ)」が設置された。その津司では「津長(つのおさ)」が責任者として,津に出入する客などに応じたのであろう。④ 9世紀後半から10世紀にかけて,各地で新たに台頭してきた豪族層の拠点施設は,河川を取り込み,船着場を設け,施設内では手工業的生産や農業経営が活発に行われたことが近年の発掘調査の成果から知ることができる。さらに付け加えて,古代の河川の運行においても,近世同様,曳船(ひきふね)方式が活発に実施された点を強調した。The current state of Japanese historical studies is one which strives to show an accurate representation of the history of interaction between man and nature. In this paper, the author tries to identify the circumstances of regional control through man's involvement with rivers as a natural environment. The writer investigated the following four points in terms of regional control and rivers. 1. Among places that have been considered inland areas, there existed locations that had rivers that connected directly to the ocean, and were in reality considered "secondary estuaries", the same as estuaries facing onto the ocean. The Kitakami River in the Iwai region of the ancient province of Mutsu and the Futohi River in the Shimotsuke Samukawa region are such examples. 2. Facilities constructed by the nation, such as at Kyuto (Place of Royal Authority) and Josaku (fort), were located inland to draw rivers in to fully utilize water transport. However, that raised the problem of the natural disaster of flooding at the same time. In other words, up to this point flood damage has been thought to be the direct cause of the disuse of the old capital in Nagaokakyo or Shiwajo Fort. However, this potentiality for flooding could have been enough estimated from the start of construction. Thus, it is possible to consider that it was expected from the construction planning stage that this was a sequenced undertaking in which a transfer would occur from Nagaokakyo to Heiankyo and from Shiwajo Fort to Tokutanjo Fort. 3. "Tsu no tsukasa" (the port office) was established to control harbors and estuaries that looked out on the ocean and functioned as district ports, was established under the Ritsuryo system. The activities of "Tsu no Osa" (head official of ports) who was responsible for overseeing those entering and leaving the ports are known from the mokkan (wooden tablets with official message) excavated from sites located in the Iwaki county of Mutsu province and the Kaga county of Echigo province. 4. Results of excavation surveys in recent years from the Kadoshin Sites in Niigata Prefecture and the Furushida Sites in Yamagata Prefecture show that from the latter half of the ninth century to the tenth century, facilities that were the bases for powerful clans appeared in various places. Rivers were rerouted, boat docks were built and agricultural administration and handicraft production activities took place within the facilities. In addition, it was emphasized that movement along the rivers in ancient times was, as in modern times, conducted by tug-boats.In this paper, the writer has outlined the points above concerned the relationship between regional control in ancient time and rivers. In the future, he hopes to further analyze the various conditions of rivers as natural environment and to further investigate how the rivers were involved in the formation of regional society.

著者

設楽 博己

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.185, pp.449-469, 2014-02-28

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弥生時代の定義に関しては,水田稲作など本格的な農耕のはじまった時代とする経済的側面を重視する立場と,イデオロギーの質的転換などの社会的側面を重視する立場がある。時代区分の指標は時代性を反映していると同時に単純でわかりやすいことが求められるから,弥生文化の指標として,水田稲作という同じ現象に「目的」や「目指すもの」の違いという思惟的な分野での価値判断を要求する後者の立場は,客観的でだれにでもわかる基準とはいいがたい。本稿は前者の立場に立ち,その場合に問題とされてきた「本格的な」という判断の基準を,縄文農耕との違いである「農耕文化複合」の形成に求める。これまでの東日本の弥生文化研究の歴史に,近年のレプリカ法による初期農耕の様態解明の研究成果を踏まえたうえで,東日本の初期弥生文化を農耕文化複合ととらえ,関東地方の中期中葉以前あるいは東北地方北部などの農耕文化を弥生文化と認めない後者の立場との異同を論じる。弥生文化は,大陸で長い期間をかけて形成された多様な農耕の形態を受容して,土地条件などの自然環境や集団編成の違いに応じて地域ごとに多様に展開した農耕文化複合ととらえたうえで,真の農耕社会や政治的社会の形成はその後半期に,限られた地域で進行したものとみなした。

著者

吉水 眞彦

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.179, pp.199-228, 2013-11

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天智天皇の近江大津宮は667年,後飛鳥岡本宮から遷都され,5年数ヶ月を経た672年の壬申の乱によって廃都と化した短命の宮都である。7世紀代の宮都で大和以外の地へ宮都が移されたのは前期難波宮と大津宮だけである。その一つである大津宮跡は,現在,琵琶湖南湖南西岸の滋賀県大津市錦織に所在することが判明している。大津宮の実像を知るために宮の構造や白鳳寺院の実態,周辺の空間構造を発掘調査で確認された遺構や出土遺物である第一次資料を再評価することと新たな発掘資料も加えて検討した。その結果,大津宮の特殊性が見えてきた。すなわち,対高句麗外交や軍事上の拠点整備を推進するために陸上・湖上交通の整備に重心が置かれ,大津宮の形が短期間のうちに推進されていた点である。大津宮遷都前夜までの比叡山東麓地域は,渡来系氏族の大壁建物や掘立柱建物の集落が営まれ,また各氏族による穴太廃寺や南滋賀廃寺などの仏教寺院も建立されており,周辺には萌芽的な港湾施設も存在していたものと推定される。このように遷都を受け入れる環境が一定程度整備されていた地域に大津宮は移されたのである。そして遷都の翌年,錦織の内裏地区の北西方の滋賀里に周辺寺院の中では眺望の利く最も高所に崇福寺を新たに造営し,対照的に宮の東南方向の寺院の最低地にあたる現在の大津市中央三丁目付近の琵琶湖岸にほぼ同時期に大津廃寺を建立した。つまり崇福寺跡と大津廃寺は川原寺同笵軒丸瓦を共通して使用していることから,大津宮と密接な関係がみられ,前者には城郭的要素があり,後者には木津川沿いの高麗寺と「相楽館」のような関係を有する港湾施設を近隣に配置し,人と物の移動ための機動力を重視して造営された。これらに触発されたかのように周辺氏族は穴太廃寺の再建例にみられるように再整備を行なっている。このように大津宮の内裏地区や,大津廃寺を除いた仏教寺院は高燥の地に立地し,かつ正南北方位を意識した配置がみられるのに対して,木簡などを出土した南滋賀遺跡の集落跡などは低地に営まれ,かつ正南北方位を意識しない建物を構築している。おそらく内裏地区や白鳳寺院,諸機能を分担した各施設は整斉に計画され,その周辺には地形に左右された集落などが混在した空間を呈していたものと思われる。近江朝廷の内裏や寺院・関係施設などを短期間に新設し,ハード面を充実させていくにつれて渡来系集落的景観から大津宮の交通整備重視の未集住な空間へと変遷していったものと考えた。Omi Otsu no Miya of the Emperor Tenchi was a short-lived imperial capital, which was relocated from Nochi no Asuka no Okamoto no Miya in 667, and a little over 5 years later, abandoned due to the Jinshin War in 672. From among all the imperial capitals of the 7th century, the only capitals relocated to other locations than the Yamato Province were the Early Naniwa no Miya and Otsu no Miya. Archaeological research has placed Otsu no Miya on the southwestern shore of Lake Biwa, in the current district of Nishikori, Otsu City, Shiga Prefecture.To understand the historical character of Otsu no Miya, its location and structure, the actual conditions of Hakuho Temple, and the spatial structure of the surrounding area was studied by reexamining the primary materials, mainly the ancient foundations and artifacts excavated by earlier digs, along with some newer excavated materials. As a result, several special characteristics of Otsu no Miya were found. Namely, to promote the establishment of a base for both diplomatic relations with Koguryo and military purposes, priority was given to the development of land and lake transportation, and the establishment of Otsu no Miya was promoted for only a short period of time.Up to right before the relocation of the capital to Otsu no Miya, in the area at the eastern foot of Mt. Hiei, Chinese and Korean clan settlements consisting of large walled buildings and dug-standing pillar buildings existed along with such Buddhist temples as the Ano Temple (abandoned) and Minami-Shiga Temple (abandoned) built by these clans; it can be inferred that in the surrounding areas the early stages of port facilities existed. Otsu no Miya was relocated to such an area in which to a certain extent an environment suitable for the relocation of the capital was being developed. In the year following the relocation, Sofukuji Temple was newly built at Shigasato, lying northwest of the Imperial Palace in Nishikori; the temple had a fine view and the site was the highest among the surrounding temples; at nearly the same time, in contrast, Otsu Temple (abandoned) was built in the lowest position of all the temples, southeastward from the Miya, on the shores of Lake Biwa in the current Hamaotsu. Since the Sofukuji Temple site and the Otsu Temple (abandoned) both used round-shaped roof tiles produced from the same tile mold as used at Kawara-dera Temple, a close relation with Otsu no Miya can be considered. The Sofukuji Temple was fortified to some extent, and the Otsu Temple (abandoned) was constructed with a focus on mobility for the transport of people and goods, and its nearby port facilities had a relation with Komadera Temple at Kizu River like "Sagaraka no Murotsumi" (guest house). As if inspired by such construction work, the clans in the surrounding areas carried out their own redevelopment as shown by the rebuilding of Ano Temple (abandoned). As mentioned above, the Palace area of Otsu no Miya and Buddhist temples apart from Otsu Temple (abandoned) were located on the higher and dry sites and arranged along a north and south line, whereas the settlement sites of the Minami- Shiga site, from which mokkan (a narrow strip of wood on which an official message is written) were excavated, were laid out on low-lying land and buildings constructed with no attention to a north/south axis. It is probable that the Palace area, Hakuho Temple, and each institution with an allocated function, were arranged in accordance with a deliberate and ordered plan, and the layout of its surrounding settlements was affected by the topography; these two different approaches coexisted in one spatial structure.In the author's view, the Palace of the Omi Imperial Court, temples and related facilities were newly established over a short period of time, and as the physical infrastructure was improving, the landscape of Chinese and Korean clan settlements was changing to a space with no settlements and a focus on developing transportation links for Otsu no Miya.

著者

一ノ瀬 俊也

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, pp.593-610, 2003-03-31

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各市町村における従軍者記念誌は、日露戦争終結直後、戦死者が忘却されていくことを嘆いて作られた。だが第一次大戦後、主に在郷軍人会市町村分会によって作られた記念誌は、そのような後ろ向きの意図ではなく、ある積極的な政治的意図、すなわち過去の栄光の記録・記憶化を通じて軍人という自己の存在意義を再確認し、反軍平和思想の盛んだった社会に訴えていくために作られていった。そのような記念誌の中で日清・日露の追憶を語った老兵たちは、戦死者の壮絶な死を語って戦争の「記憶」に具体性を与えて、人々の共感を呼び起こす役回りを演じた。そうした語りのあり方は「郷土の英雄」を求める人々の心情にもかなうものだった。老兵たちが自己の従軍体験を語る際、確かに悲惨な体験も語ったものの、基本的には名誉心充足の機会として戦争を描いていた。そのような従軍者たちの「語り」を彼らの〝郷土〟が一書に編む時、彼らが国家の大きな歴史に占めた位置、役割の説明が熱心に行われた。それは戦死者の死の〝意味〟を明らかにし、ひいては戦争自体の持つ価値を地域ぐるみで再確認、受容することに他ならなかった。以上の過程を通じて、満州事変勃発以前から満州は「血をもって購った」土地であり、したがってその権益は擁護されるべきという論理や「社会主義共産主義」の脅威が市町村という末端レベルで繰り返し確認されていった。満州事変に際して軍、在郷軍人会などが国民の支持を調達する際、日露戦争の「記憶」を強調したことは周知のことだが、本稿が掲げた諸事例は、そのような「記憶」が当時の社会において具体的にいつから、どのようにして共有化されていったのかを示すものである。

著者

福田 アジオ

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.p263-278, 1993-02

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日本の民俗学研究は従来集落その他の景観を資料として活用してこなかった。村落内部で伝承されてきた民俗事象のみに関心を集中させてきた。そのため,外見として示される景観のもつ意味については検討されることなく放置されてきたと言える。しかし,日本の中央部でも,関東・中部地方と近畿地方では東の緑,西の黒というように集落景観に大きな相違があり,さらに村落が作り出したさまざまな事物においても相違がある。この相違が民俗学にとっても重要な研究課題であることを主張した。東西の村落景観の相違を対比的に整理すれば,東の緑,西の黒という集落景観の印象の相違を作り出しているのは,家々の集合状況としての集村か小村かの違い,屋敷周囲の施設である屋敷林,垣根,塀等の有無の相違である。そして,それを基礎に,個別屋敷の様相,小祠や墓地の配置などにおいてもそれに対応した相違がある。その外見としての村落景観が示すものは,その社会の内部秩序の反映であり,家を強調する東とムラを強調する西をそれぞれ示している。東の村落景観は個別屋敷を閉鎖的な空間として示し,生活に必要な装置をその屋敷内外に揃えておこうとしてきた。単に生産・生活という現世の装置だけでない。神仏を祭る施設,あるいは墓地という他界につながる施設まで屋敷内あるいは屋敷続きに設けている。屋敷を拠点とした家の独自性,個別性,完結性を強調する社会が作り出した景観と言ってよいであろう。それに対して,西の村落景観は個別の家が明確ではなく,集落全体としてひとまとまりになっていて,ムラとしての結集を家々の密集と個別の家の開放性で表示していると言えそうである。個別屋敷は居住用であり,その他の生活・生産に必要な施設は村落として設定している。この家中心社会としての東を象徴する村落組織が「番」組織であり,ムラ中心社会の西を象徴する村落組織が「衆」組織である。以上のことを論じることによって,民俗学研究にとっても景観が重要な資料となり得ることを述べたものである。Conventional Japanese folklore studies have not made full use of the outward appearance of villages as data material. Attention has been concentrated only on the folklore phenomena handed down in the villages. This being the case, it can be said that the meaning of landscape, expressed as the outward appearance, has been neglected, and left unexamined. However, in the central part of Japan, village landscape is very different in the Kanto and Chubu Districts, and the Kinki District ; for example, green in the east and black in the west. Furthermore, there are also differences in the various customs generated by the villages. In this paper, the author gives his opinion that these differences are an important subject of study in folklore.A comparative arrangement of the differences between village landscape in the east and west shows that the different impression of village landscape, that is, green in the east and black in the west, is caused by the way the houses are gathered together (whether they are organized into concentrated villages or small villages) ; and by the existence or otherwise of hedges, fences, walls, etc. enclosing the houses. On this basis, there is a corresponding difference in the aspects of individual homesteads and the location of small shrines and cemeteries. What the village landscape shows is a reflection of the internal order of the society ; this is shown in the east where the "ie"(family) is stressed, and the west where the "mura" (village) is stressed. The village views of eastern Japan show the individual houses as closed spaces, where facilities necessary for daily life have tended to be set up in or near the house. These facilities are not limited to the tools of this world, which are used for production and living ; facilities related to the other world, for example, facilities for the worship of gods and Buddha, as well as cemeteries, are set up in or adjacent to the homestead. This may be regarded as a view generated by a society that attaches importance to the independence, individuality, and completeness of the ie (family). Village landscape in the west, on the other hand, do not show individual houses clearly. The village as a whole is one entity, and concentration as a mura (village) is shown by the density of the village and the openness of individual houses. Individual homesteads are merely places to live in, and facilities necessary for other living and production activities are set up by and for the whole village. The village organization that represents eastern Japan as a family-oriented society is the "ban", or "turn", type of organization, and that representing western Japan as a village-oriented society, is the "shu", or "multitude", type of organization.By the above discussion, the author has described how landscape can become important data material for folklore study.

著者

村井 章介

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.201, pp.81-96, 2016-03

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本誌第一九〇集に掲載された宇田川武久氏の論文「ふたたび鉄炮伝来論―村井章介氏の批判に応える―」に対する反論を目的に、「鉄砲は倭寇が西日本各地に分散波状的に伝えた」とする宇田川説の論拠を史料に即して検証して、つぎの三点を確認した。①「村井が鉄砲伝来をヨーロッパ世界との直接のであいだと述べている」と反復する宇田川氏の言明は事実誤認である。②〈一五四二年(または四三年)・種子島〉を唯一の鉄砲伝来シーンと考える必要はなく、倭寇がそれ以外のシーンでも鉄砲伝来に関わった可能性はあるが、宇田川氏はそのオールタナティブを実証的に示していない。③一五四〇~五〇年代の朝鮮・明史料に見える「火砲(炮)」の語を鉄砲と解する宇田川説は誤りであり、それゆえこれらを根拠に鉄砲伝来を論ずることはできない。以上をふまえて、一六世紀なかば以降倭寇勢力が保有していた鉄砲と、一六世紀末の東アジア世界戦争(壬辰倭乱)において日本軍が駆使した鉄砲ないし鉄砲戦術との関係を、どのように捉えるべきかを考察した。壬辰倭乱直前まで、朝鮮は倭寇勢力が保有する鉄砲を見かけていたかもしれないが、軍事的脅威と感じられるほどのインパクトはなかったので、それに焦点をあわせた用語も生まれなかった。朝鮮が危惧していたのは、中国起源の従来型火器である火砲が、明や朝鮮の国家による占有を破って、倭寇勢力や日本へ流出することであった。しかしその間、戦国動乱さなかの日本列島に伝来した新兵器鉄砲が、軍事に特化した社会のなかで、技術改良が重ねられ、また組織的利用法が鍛えあげられ、やがて壬辰倭乱において明や朝鮮にとって恐るべき軍事的脅威となった。両国は鉄砲を「鳥銃」と呼び、鹵獲した鳥銃や日本軍の捕虜から、鉄砲を駆使した軍事技術をけんめいに摂取しようとした。The purpose of my present article is to reply to the article of Udagawa Takehisa that appeared in issue 190 of this journal with the title "Another Study of the Introduction of Guns to Japan: As a Counter-argument to the Criticism of Dr. Shōsuke Murai". In my article I examined Udagawa's theory that says, "wakō-pirates introduced and gradually distributed muskets to several places in Western Japan". During my examination of his arguments based on the historical sources I came to the following three conclusions.First, the often repeated statement of the author that says, "Murai states that the introduction of muskets was a direct encounter with the European world", is a misunderstanding of that what I stated in fact in my article. Second, I agree with the author that it is not necessary to think about the year 1542 (or 1543) and the island Tanegashima as the only possible time and place for the introduction of muskets, and that it is possible that wakō-pirates also played a part in the introduction of muskets in other different ways. Still, the problem is that the author does not provide concrete examples or evidences for possible alternatives based on the historical sources that would support this argument. Third, the author's theory, according to which he is interpreting "huopao / hwap'o 火砲(炮) (cannon)" - a word that can be seen in the Chinese and Korean sources in the 1540-50s- as "musket", is a mistake. Therefore, it is not possible to discuss the introduction of musket based on this theory.Based on these conclusions, I examined the following question: What was the relationship between those muskets possessed by wakō-pirates after the middle of the 16th century and the muskets used by the Japanese army during the war in the East Asian world at the end of the 16th century (the so called Imjin war)?It is possible that Koreans saw the muskets of wakō-pirates before the Imjin war, but these muskets had probably no impact on them, and the Koreans did not feel yet the threat of muskets at that time. Therefore they did not create a special word for musket. Rather, Koreans felt apprehension that "huopao / hwap'o (cannon)", the conventional firearms of Chinese origin would flow out from Korea or China into the hand of wakō-pirates or Japanese.But during the following years, musket, the new weapon introduced to Japan in the midst of the disturbances of the Warring States period, underwent several technical improvements in the Japanese society that was characterized by continuous wars. Further, with the time Japanese soldiers became also perfectly trained in the use of musket in organized groups. Thus, musket soon became a fearful military menace to Ming China and Chosŏn Korea during the Imjin war. Both countries called musket "niaochong / choch'ong 鳥銃 (fowling piece)" and both of them eagerly tried to learn the military technique of muskets from captured Japanese soldiers and the confiscated "fowling pieces".

著者

青木 隆浩

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.197, pp.321-361, 2016-02

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本稿では,明治時代から1980年代までの長期にわたり,日本における美容観の変遷とその原因をおもに化粧品産業の動向から明らかにしたものである。そのおもな論点は,明治時代以降の美容観が欧米化の影響を受けながらも,実際に変化するには長い時間がかかっており,欧米化が進んだ後でも揺り戻しがあって,日本独自の美容観が形成されたということであった。まず,明治時代といえば,白粉による白塗りと化粧品の工業製品化による一般家庭への普及がイメージされるが,実際には石鹸や化粧水,クリームといった基礎化粧の方がまず発達していったのであり,メイク方法は白粉をさらっと薄く伸ばす程度のシンプルなものだった。口紅やアイメイクに対する抵抗感は,現在から考えられないほど強かったため,欧米の美容観はなかなか受容されなかった。1930年代に入ってから,クリームや歯磨,香油などの出荷額が伸びていくが,第二次世界大戦による節制と物品税の大増税によって,すぐに化粧をしない時代に戻っていった。その後,1960年前後までの日本の女性は,クリームや化粧水による基礎化粧はするものの,メイクはほとんどしなかった。欧米型のメイク方法は,1959(昭和34)年におけるマックスファクターの「ローマンピンク」キャンペーンと1960(昭和35)年におけるカラーテレビの放送開始を契機として,普及し始めたと考えてよい。とくに1966(昭和41)年からそのキャンペーンにハーフモデルを起用して成功を収めたことが,ハーフモデルの日焼けした肌と大きな目に憧れる結果となって,欧米型のメイクが普及する大きな要因となった。ところが,1970年代の初めにハーフモデルを起用した日焼けの提唱がいったん終わり,その後,日本の美が見直されていくことになる。さらに,1980年代に入ると自然派志向やソフト志向が顕著となり,その中でアイドルタレントが化粧品のプロモーションに起用されるようになると,日本独自の自然でソフトな女性像,つまり1980年代の「かわいらしさ」のイメージが形成されていった。This article examines the trends of the Japanese cosmetics industry from the 1870s to the 1980s to reveal the changes in the Japanese sense of beauty and their causes. The results consist of two main findings: (i) after the Meiji period (1868-1912), the Japanese sense of beauty was affected by westernization but changed very slowly; and (ii) the westernization was followed by a backlash, resulting in the creation of a new sense of beauty unique to the Japanese.It is generally considered that in the Meiji period, cosmetics were commercialized and became popular among ordinary women and they started to powder their faces. In actual fact, however, skin care products such as soap, skin lotion and cream were developed earlier. Japanese women preferred simple makeup and thought light powdering was enough. Their reluctance to wear lipstick and eyeshadow in those days was much stronger than we can imagine today; therefore, it was difficult for them to accept the western sense of beauty.In the 1930s, the sales of skin cream, toothpaste, and scented oil products expanded; however, soon all the cosmetics products disappeared from the market due to the frugal habits and drastic commodity tax hikes during the Second World War. From after the war until around 1960, Japanese women used skin care products such as skin lotion and cream but hardly wore makeup.Western-style makeup techniques began to penetrate into Japan through the Roman Pink Campaign of Max Factor starting in 1959, also receiving a nice tailwind from the start of color TV broadcasting in 1960. In 1966, the advertising campaign starred a half-Japanese model, which resulted in a huge success. Many women admired her light suntanned skin and big eyes. This served as a great impetus for the spread of western-style makeup techniques.However, once the campaign starring the half-Japanese model with light suntanned skin finished in the early 1970s, Japanese women reviewed their sense of beauty once again. In the 1980s, when a desire for the soft, natural look became prominent and pop stars started to appear in cosmetics advertisements, the Japanese shaped their own unique image of female beauty that was soft and natural by emphasizing "cuteness" in the 1980s.

著者

辻 誠一郎

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, pp.119-145, 2003-10

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長野盆地南部に位置する更埴条里遺跡・屋代遺跡群の古代の植物遺体群のうち,日本では最大の資料数であるヒョウタン遺体,およびアサ,ササゲ,モモ遺体の産出と利用を再検討した。その結果,古代の植物利用と農業経営に関して新しい知見を得た。古代のヒョウタン遺体の資料数は90点におよび,古代から中世まで連続的に時代を追うことができ,また,果実・種子の形態が多様性をもつものであった。果実の形態からは,タイプA~タイプGの7つのタイプが設定され,種子の形態も複数の系統の存在を支持した。このことから,ヒョウタンの多様性とこの地域におけるヒョウタン利用の多様性が確かめられた。多様なヒョウタンの果実は加工して利用されたが,球形に近い果実は杓に利用され,祭祀具として利用されたと考えられた。他のヒョウタンの果実も形に応じた加工が施され,容器として利用されたと考えられた。食用となる大型のユウガオ型の果実が中世以前では初めて遺体で確認された。他の三つの注目すべき植物遺体とその産出状況を記載した。第1は,搾りかす状態のアサの果実についてである。『延喜式』に記載された信濃国の貢納品である麻子を裏付ける事実である。第2は,ササゲに同定されるマメ科の炭化種子についてである。家屋の焼失時に炭化したと考えられるもので,当時の豆の保存の仕方を示す状況証拠である。第3は,加工されたモモの核についてで,刃物によって加工した笛であると考えられた。古代の更埴は,たくさんの畑作物としての栽培植物を育成しており,多産するヒョウタンやモモは多様で,生産母体が大きいことを示唆した。それらが水田稲作を主体とすると考えられてきた農業経営とどのようにかかわっていたのかの検討を促した。This study examines the occurrence and morphology of ancient plant remains, specifically, seeds and fruits of gourds (Lagenaria siceraria), fruits of hemp (Cannabis sativa), seeds of Fabaceae, and endocarp of peach (Amygdalus persica), from the Koshoku-Jori and Yashiro Sites in Koshoku in the southern Nagano valley. Results offered new insights into plant use and agricultural management in antiquity.Gourd specimens were ninety in number and made it possible to plot a trajectory from antiquity into the medieval period. Furthermore, there was a diverse range of fruit and seed. Gourd fruits were divided into seven types (A through G), while seeds were divided into a number of strands. The study confirms the diversity both of uses of gourds in this region and of the kinds of gourd used. Many were processed for use. It is believed that rounder gourds were used as ladles and ceremonial instruments, while other kinds of gourd were processed depending on their shape to be used as containers. A pre-medieval specimen of the large-sized bottle gourd, used for food, was also identified for the first time.The study also records specimens and yield conditions for the other three vegetables mentioned above. 1) Remains of hemp in pulp form substantiate the fact that mashi was a tributary item of Shinano province as recorded in Engishiki. 2) Carbonized fabaceous seeds identified with Vigna unguiculata are believed to have been carbonized when a house burnt down and therefore provide contextual evidence of how beans were stored at the time. 3) A processed endocarp of peach is believed to be a flute that was crafted with a blade.Ancient Koshoku cultivated numerous domesticated plants as dry-field crops, the variety of its peaches and gourds indicative of its large matrix of production. This fact invites further study of the ways that production of these crops relates to agricultural management which is generally believed to have centered on wet paddy farming.

著者

藤尾 慎一郎

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.1-77, 1990-03-10

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Included in the earthenwares in the period when the paddy farming was started in Japan is a ware with incised plastic band. The representative pottery of this kind is a jar type pottery (a cooking tool) found mainly in the Western Japan, west of the districts along the Ise Bay. As the distinctive features, it is a deep bowl, and has incised patterns: the plastic bands are adhered at the mouth and the outer surface of its body, and then the plastic bands are incised using a finger or spatula. This is a pot positioned at the transition period from the Jômon period of the culture of gathering and hunting to the Yayoi period of the culture of paddy farming. When dealing with the issues of the transition period, it is quite important where to position this ware. For example, when the division of the times is discussed, such as when the Yayoi period starts, a different conclusion may be drawn depending on the assumption whether this ware is regarded to belong to the Jômon pottery or this ware is regarded to belong to the Yayoi pottery. The western Kyûsyû (Fukuoka Prefecture, Saga Prefecture, Nagasaki Prefecture, Kumamoto Prefecture and Kagoshima Prefecture) is known as the district where the paddy farming had been started in the first place. It is an important fundamental work to put in order the chronological researches on the wares with incised plastic band found in these districts in order to carry on the studies on the start of the Yayoi period.In this paper, attentions were given to the decorative patterns on the mouth and on the body of the jar and six forms were set up. Then, each form was classified into 5 types based on the six attributes (a method to incise patterns, positions to adhere the pastic band around the mouth, the form of the pots, the sizes or the clay bands at the mouth and on the body, surface adjustment of pots and clay band adjustment). As a result, the beginning and the end of the first half of the Yayoi period (approx. BC400~BC100) can be divided into five stages. Period I: a period the pottery with the incised plastic band was born and spread; the pottery of this kind appeared in the Western Kyûsyû under the influence of the Setouchi and Kinki districts. On that occasion, Nijô-kame unique to this district was born.Period II: Nijô-kame born in the Western Kyûsyû appeared also in the Setouchi and Kinki districts. Based on this phenomenon, it can be assumed that the paddy farming had been started even in the Setouchi and Kinki districts.Period III: Itaduke-Ongagawa wares were born in the coastal districts of the Genkai-nada in the Western Kyûsyû (the district from Karatsu-city, Saga Prefecture to Fukuoka-city, Fukuoka Prefectute) and the distribution was expanded. In some regions of the Western Japan from Kyûsyû to Kinki district, the pottery with the incised plastic band almost disappeared, but continued in other regions.Period IV: In the Setouchi district where the pottery with the incised plastic band had disappeared in the period III, the pottery with the incised plastic band reappeared.Period V: The style of the pottery of this period onward developed further based on the patterns of potteries born in the various regions, as a result of the interchanges of the pottery with the incised plastic band born in the period I and Itaduke-Ongagawa wares born in the period III.It is possible to vividly reproduce the circumstances how the Yayoi culture, a period of the agriculture unique to Japan, was born and developed in the dissension of the culture introduced from the Asian Continent and the conventional Jômon culture, if the pottery with the incised plastic band is confrontally positioned with the pottery of Itaduke-Ongagawa wares.

著者

設楽 博己

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.202, pp.157-180, 2017-03

著者

黒田 篤史

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.202, pp.225-242, 2017-03