著者

玉木 千賀子

出版者

東北福祉大学

巻号頁・発行日

2018

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元資料の権利情報 : CC BY-NC-ND

著者

福田 拓哉 飯塚 晃央 大山 隆太 新川 諒

出版者

九州産業大学 人間科学会

雑誌

人間科学 (ISSN:24344753)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.49-60, 2022 (Released:2022-03-26)

参考文献数

43

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コロナ禍はプロスポーツにも大打撃を与えた。2020年における世界各地からの報告によれば,その経済的損失は日本で2,747億円,欧州主要サッカーリーグで4,320億円,北米では大学スポーツを含めて1兆3,000億円にのぼる。こうした中,プロスポーツ組織が取るべき経営のあり方については,学術的な研究がほとんどなされていない。そのため,この危機の中での対処方法や価値創造のあり方が議論されることは実務のみならず学術の面からも重要であろう。そこで,本研究は筆者らが所属する日本,欧州,北米のプロスポーツチームを事例に,この緊急事態を乗り越えるための知見,課題,可能性を整理することを目的にした。研修対象は,福岡ソフトバンクホークス(日本,プロ野球),シント=トロイデンVV(ベルギー,サッカー),ワシントンウィザーズ(アメリカ,バスケットボール)であり,ケース・スタディの手法を用いて分析を進めた。

著者

牧田 満知子

出版者

アメリカ学会

雑誌

アメリカ研究 (ISSN:03872815)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.31, pp.157-174, 1997-03-25 (Released:2010-10-28)

参考文献数

41

著者

人事興信所 編

出版者

人事興信所

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第25版 下, 1969

著者

松嵜 英也

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.47, pp.117-130, 2018 (Released:2019-10-08)

参考文献数

33

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The amendments in the Ukrainian constitution in the aftermath of the Orange revolution brought about sweeping changes in the semi-presidential system. It formally strengthened the parliamentary role in the political process, particularly in cabinet appointments and dismissal. Although the transition to democracy in Ukraine had been anticipated, the semi-presidential system that was introduced after the Orange Revolution proved to be a failure.Scholars have paid attention to the institutional design and patronalism, which is defined as a social equilibrium in which individuals organize their political and economic pursuits primarily around the personalized exchange of concrete rewards and punishments, besides the electoral system that emerged after the Orange Revolution. In particular, they have argued that the president had an initiative to form the cabinet in a multi-party system. However, this led to an intensification of the intra-executive competition between the president and the prime-minister after the formation of the cabinet. How did the semi-presidential system, introduced after the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, fail? Although presidential commitment is an important component to consider when trying to understand the reason for institutional dysfunction, the interaction between the president and the prime minister is not clear.Focusing on the intra-executive competition, this article attempts to outline the process of failure of the semi-presidential system following the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. First, this article analyzes the wording of the constitutional amendments, comparing it with that of the 1996 Ukrainian constitution. While the constitutional amendments strengthened the role of the Verkhovna Rada, which is also referred to as the Supreme Council of Ukraine, in the political process, the president retained other legislative powers, including the power to veto bills and dissolve the assembly. These amendments authorized the president to intervene in the legislative process.Second, utilizing a case study of the second Yanukovych government (2006-2007), and the second Timoshenko government (2007-2010), the author analyzes the process of intra-executive competition. When Yanukovych and Timoshenko became prime minister in 2006 and 2007, respectively, president Yushchenko was committed to maintaining decisive power over the Verkhovna Rada while appointing a prime minister. The case studies demonstrate that the coalitional cabinet would not have been inaugurated without presidential intervention because of the multi-party system. After the formation of the coalitional government, the president continued to intervene decisively in the legislative process, using both formal and informal power. However, under the 2004 constitutional system, the cabinet alone was responsible for running the parliament. Because the president’s party was a minority party in the parliament, he could not control the activities of the coalitional cabinet. The presidential interventions intensified the conflict with the prime minister over several issues, including NATO membership, the Russia-Georgia war, and so on. The conflict between the two also made parliamentary law-making much less efficient.Thus, the presidential commitment to the parliament produced different results during different periods. While the coalitional cabinet could not have been inaugurated without presidential intervention, the presidential commitment after the formation of coalitional cabinet led to a confrontation with the prime minister, and divided the members of the coalitional cabinet. The intensification of the intra-executive conflicts led to the failure of the semi-presidential system adopted after the Orange Revolution.

著者

宮城 道雄[作曲]

出版者

ビクター

巻号頁・発行日

0000

著者

国立女性教育会館情報課

巻号頁・発行日

2023-01

著者

白木 公康

出版者

公益社団法人 日本薬学会

雑誌

ファルマシア (ISSN:00148601)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.11, pp.1101-1105, 2013-11-01 (Released:2016-09-26)

著者

Satoshi Seino Takumi Abe Yu Nofuji Toshiki Hata Shoji Shinkai Akihiko Kitamura Yoshinori Fujiwara

出版者

Japan Epidemiological Association

雑誌

Journal of Epidemiology (ISSN:09175040)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.JE20220246, (Released:2022-12-24)

参考文献数

45

被引用文献数

1

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Purpose: Although examining the dose-response curves of physical activity (PA) and sitting time with health-related outcomes is an important research agenda, the results for older Japanese adults are extremely limited. We examined the dose-response associations of PA and sitting time with all-cause mortality among older Japanese.Methods: Initially, 8,069 non-disabled residents (4,073 men; 3,996 women) aged 65–84 years of Ota City, Japan, were recruited. Moderate-to-vigorous PA (MVPA) and sitting time were evaluated using the International Physical Activity Questionnaire-Short Form. Multivariate-adjusted hazard ratios (HRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) of MVPA and sitting time for all-cause mortality were calculated, and the dose-response curves were examined using restricted cubic splines (RCS).Results: During 4.1 years of follow-up, 458 participants (5.7%; 331 men and 127 women) died. Compared with the low MVPA (<600 metabolic equivalents [METs]·minutes/week) group, HR for mortality gradually reduced in moderate (600–3000 METs·minutes/week) and high (>3000 METs·minutes/week) MVPA groups (moderate: HR 0.66; 95% CI, 0.54–0.82; high: HR 0.58; 95% CI, 0.45–0.75; P <0.001 for trend). RCS showed that the HR for mortality reduced linearly up to approximately 2000 METs·minutes/week of MVPA, and maximal risk reduction was seen at approximately 3000–4500 METs·minutes/week of MVPA. No significant dose-response association of sitting time with mortality was observed.Conclusions: Higher MVPA levels reduced all-cause mortality risk, in a significant inverse non-linear dose-response manner. Sitting time was not significantly associated with all-cause mortality. It is important to disseminate the significance of even a slight increase in the MVPA.

著者

古賀 敬太

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.23-48, 2002-12-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

乾 善彦

出版者

関西大学アジア・オープン・リサーチセンター

雑誌

KU-ORCASが開くデジタル化時代の東アジア文化研究 : オープン・プラットフォームで浮かび上がる、新たな東アジアの姿

巻号頁・発行日

pp.47-59, 2022-03-31

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The Kansai University Library has many textbooks, those have many notes written into by scholars of the Japanese classics in late Edo period. This paper explains how much information can be gained by digitizing the text. For example, Yoshitaka Iwasaki's "Hyakunin Isshu Kaikansho" contains notes by Motoori Norinaga. Yoshitaka wrote Norinaga's notes in red ink, and then added his thoughts in light black ink. There are many other materials in which have Norinaga's notes, and by organizing them, we can learn how scholars of the Japanese classics studied the master's thinkings. The Kansai University Library has "Manyoshu" texts, those have many notes writen into Norinaga's thinking. One of texts is very similar to Norinaga's autographed text, that is Motoori-norinaga-kinenkan has. Another text has Nagase Masaki's notes. This is written with three colors ink, red blue and black. Red is Norinaga's notes, blue is another person's notes, and black ink is his own notes. In this way, a lot of information can be read by digitizing the text and organizing notes of meny texts written into by scholars of the Japanese classics in late Edo period.

著者

Alperen PALA Toshinori KUWAHARA Takumi SAITOU Hiroki UTO Yoshihiko SHIBUYA

出版者

THE JAPAN SOCIETY FOR AERONAUTICAL AND SPACE SCIENCES

雑誌

TRANSACTIONS OF THE JAPAN SOCIETY FOR AERONAUTICAL AND SPACE SCIENCES, AEROSPACE TECHNOLOGY JAPAN (ISSN:18840485)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.65-72, 2022 (Released:2022-12-21)

参考文献数

18

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Many satellites are currently in orbit around the Earth and will remain so for years, even though they have completed their intended missions owing to their long natural de-orbiting times. Many methods have been proposed to increase the de-orbiting speed of such satellites, of which one uses atmospheric drag sails. The micro-satellite ALE-1 is equipped with a drag sail that is deployed at a distance from the satellite through the use of a boom element to ensure continuous communication and solar charging. The drag sail is also capable of separating itself from the micro-satellite if necessary to decrease the de-orbiting speed. This paper discusses an in-orbit demonstration where the aforementioned boom element is extended, as well as the deployment of the aforementioned drag sail and com-pares the space and ground experiment results.

著者

藤森 かよこ Kayoko Fujimori

雑誌

英米評論 = ENGLISH REVIEW (ISSN:09170200)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.55-82, 2007-03-15

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What is called "American feminism" in this article means liberal feminismor radical feminism. Many critics, especially French ones such as ElizabethBadinter and Emmanuel Todd, underestimate American feminism in the pointthat its pro-violence tendency hinders feminism from its mature developmentand further prevalence. This article does not share their view. As explainedlater, the pro-violence attitude of American feminism might be able to present aprototype of "a citizen of the world" in the coming (?) borderless, post-nationstatesworld promoted by globalization. Here "globalization" does not mean thelatest stage of American imperialism. Here globalization is "the process of increasinginterconnectedness between societies such that events in one part ofthe world more and more have effects on peoples and societies far away."It is true that not a few of American feminists regard violence as one of theiroptions to protect themselves. American radical feminists such as Naomi Wolfand D. A. Clarke assert that women should not hesitate to counterattack againstdomestic violence and other sexual violence. Paxton Quigley recommendswomen's owing guns against crimes. Martha McCaughey, a physical feminist, advocateswomen's going into training in martial arts for self-defense. The NationalOrganization for Women (NOW), which is a representative of liberal feminists inUSA, is positive about woman soldiers' service in war battles for national defense.Yet they are not especially pro-violent, because their attitude is necessarilyresulted from American core values.Some American feminists regard their position as "militia" or contemporarycitizen soldiers. Militia is a military force that engages in a rebel or terrorist activitiesin opposition to a regular army. Militiamen, ordinary people with theirown guns used for their hunting for food (never for pleasure) won the victory inthe American War of Independence, though some researches say that it is nothingbut a myth, not a historical fact. Myth or fact, in this point, militia symbolizesAmerican core values : freedom, independence, individualism, equality and democracy.Once American people feel that their "unalienable Rights, that amongthese are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" are threatened by others,governments or any organizations or individuals, they might be ready to use theirown weapons. Weapon ownership is a key aspect of citizenship under democraticgovernment for some American people. They believe that the Constitution ofthe United States of America supports their view.Certainly Amendment 2 of Bill of Rights enacted in 1791 says "A well regulatedMilitia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the peopleto keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." The survey of ABC News in2002 shows that seventy three percent of the American citizens think thatAmendment 2 guarantees their right to keep and bear weapons for self defense.American people against gun control are not only what antigun critics call "gunenthusiasts." According to one research, gun owners believe that society is aviolent place; so they prepare for the possibility of doing violence themselves ;they view this position to be the most responsible one they have to take in relationto their own safety ; they are also aware that many oppressive governmentsdo not permit firearms to be owned by the general people, because gun ownershipcan potentially threaten the government through a citizens' revolt. SomeAmerican feminists share this view with gun owners.This article does not mean that American feminists' pro violence attitudeshould be positively considered because their views are resulted from Americancore values. Even if American feminists regard themselves as militiawomen,contemporary citizen soldiers, such kind of attitude can be called caricatural.There is a hypothesis that the peripheral members in a given society try to moreradically embody the society's most sweeping ideologies than the central members.American feminists who try to be regular citizens, never "second citizens",may be more stimulated to achieve American core values as completely as possible.We should notice that this kind of caricatural American feminists providesus with a prototype of a citizen of the coming world developed by globalization,where order in world politics emerges not from a balance of power among nationstatesbut from the interactions between many layers of governing arrangements.Nation-states demand its constituency to be subject to their policies andlaws, and in exchange for its subordination, they are supposed to offer their peoplebenefits and protection. But history has been showing the examples thatnation-states could be the worst oppressor and violator for people. However,globlization might permit people to traffic the many layers of governing institutions,depending on their own needs and profits. Then, nation-states will be ableto be optional, not fatal.The political philosophy of the coming, globalized world is the most radicalform of republicanism, also called civic humanism. The coming world might beable to be the most expanded republic, a new world order governed by and forthe people. Then, people will not be able to rely on nation-states as their protectors,if people don't want state interference. In other words, future citizens ofthe world must be ready to be citizen soldiers, caricatured form of militia,"American feminists." As citizens of a republic, American feminists who premisethat they can't trust the government and its agents, do not invite the state to beresponsible for their safety, even though dependency is so seductive.Some people wonder if such a world can be the greatest prison, the mostelaborate "Matrix" controlled by invisible power. Whether the biggest republic,the new world order may be utopian dystopian, a pro-violent, pro-counterattackAmerican feminist is a prototype of a citizen of the post-nation-states world.

著者

逓信省電気局 編

出版者

電気協会

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第26回 昭和10年3月, 1935

著者

日本臨床腎移植学会・日本移植学会

出版者

一般社団法人 日本移植学会

雑誌

移植 (ISSN:05787947)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.195-216, 2021 (Released:2021-12-25)

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A total of 1,711 kidney transplants including 1,570 from living donors, 17 from non-heart-beating donors and 124 from heart-beating donors were performed in 2020 in Japan. The data obtained from the Japanese Renal Transplant Registry are shown and analyzed in this annual report. The characteristics of recipients and donors such as relationships, original diseases, duration of dialysis therapy, blood transfusion, status of viral antigens and antibodies, pretransplant complications, causes of death of deceased donors, ischemic time and histocompatibilities are described. In addition, immunosuppressants used initially and other treatments are analyzed. We also report the results of a follow-up survey for recipients and living donors.

著者

小原 一馬

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011-10-31 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

16

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Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman’s sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works’ achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman’s sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi’s flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga’s definitions of play he criticized Huizinga’s concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for “play” as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined “play” to the domain of culture, and also he classified “play” into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois’ criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson’s frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants’ concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman’s is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi’s flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.

出版者

商業興信所

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第33回 中国四国版, 1932

出版者

明治大学校友会本部

巻号頁・発行日

vol.大正13年7月, 1925

著者

商業興信所 編

出版者

商業興信所

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第43回, 1943

著者

湯本城川 著

出版者

事業と人物社

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第2巻, 1925