著者
三津間 弘彦 ミツマ ヒロヒコ Mitsuma Hirohiko
出版者
大東文化大学漢学会
雑誌
大東文化大学漢学会誌 (ISSN:04149572)
巻号頁・発行日
no.53, pp.29-61, 2014-03

『後漢書』南蛮伝が内包する時間的、地理的領域の在り方としての領域性と、その背景としての史的展開を明らかにする。すなわち、「南蛮伝」は、後漢時代における中国南方の異民族を記録する列伝であるが、その記録対象となる地理的範囲は、現在の四川、湖南から広州、越南に至る広大なものである。だが、広大な地理的範囲の内側には、それぞれ地域差があり、一体的に捉え得るものではない。それにも関わらず、「南蛮伝」が広大な地理的範囲を一括して捉えた背景には、後漢時代の荊州南部と交阯部の政治的動向が一体的に連動する関係があったのである。
著者
西山 尙志
出版者
日本中国学会
雑誌
日本中国学会報 (ISSN:03873196)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.33-48, 2014
著者
長谷川 順二
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.3, pp.333-371, 2014-03-20

The changes that have occurred in the course of the Yellow River over the ages has been considered to be an important theme in the historical geography of China, and many researchers have conducted studies of the subject using various methods. The various explanations in the extant bibliographic sources about river course change in dynastic China were first summarized during the early Qing period by Hu Wei in his Yugong Zhuizhi 禹貢錐指 (Brief Study of "Tribute of Yu"), which proposed that major changes had occurred in the River's course. Hu's argument then formed the basis of various opinions that six or seven significant changes had occurred leading up to the existing course as of 1855, in such works as Zhongguo Lishi Ditu Ji 中国歴史地図集 (Collected Historical Maps of China) and Huanghe Zhi 黄河志 (Gazetteer of the Yellow River). In particular, as to the pre-Eastern Han era, all argued that the river's course had changed twice: one being observed during the Warring States period in the fifth year of the reign of Eastern Zhou King Ding (602 BC), the other occurring between the third year Wang Mang's Xin Dynasty (11 CE) and the 13 year of the reign of Later Han Emperor Ming (70 CE), in The flood control works of Wangjing 王景. However, as observed in Yugong Shanchuan Dilitu 禹貢山川地理図 (Geographical Maps of "Tribute of Yu") by Cheng Dachang 程大昌 of the Southern Song Dynasty, there was in pre-Ming Dynasty times a great deal of emphasis placed on the river course change project named after Provincial Governor Donqui 頓丘 in the third year of the reign of Former Han Emperor Wu (132 BC), while no mention is given to the Wangjing Project. The author has elsewhere reconstructed via remote sensing data the old course of the Yellow River between the Warring States and Former Han Periods and has shown, based on that reconstruction and micro upland topography, the changes that occurred in the river near Liaocheng, Shandong Province in 132 BC. In the present article, the author reexamines the traditional discourse concerning the changes that occurred up through the Latter Han Period, based on his previous findings. In addition, there is also information in the Hanshu's 漢書 "Gouzu Zhi" (Treatise on Canals and Rivers) section about the first Yellow River levee of the Warring States period, which Kimura Masao argues signifies the existence of state-operated irrigation projects in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, indicating one basic condition of ancient Chinese despotism. However, the author's reconstruction of the ancient river course and the present topographical data concerning the region shows these levies to have been formed by the Yellow River naturally, making it very difficult to concur with the conventional discourse that large scale irrigation projects were already underway in the lower Yellow River basin as early as the Warring States period.
著者
松島 隆真
出版者
史学研究会
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.2, pp.273-307, 2014-03
著者
松島 隆真
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.2, pp.273-307, 2014-03

秦始皇帝の統一支配を終了させたのは陳渉の蜂起に始まる争乱だが、この秦末より項羽と劉邦の対決として知られる楚漢戦争までの時期は、戦国後期の状勢への回帰と看做されるのが通常である。しかし、かかる戦国後期という枠組みへの回帰をもたらしたメカニズムについては、これまで充分に考察されることがなかった。本稿はこの観点から陳渉挙兵後の状勢を国際関係として把握し、個々の事件の展開から、一定の傾向とルールを有した当時の国際秩序の具体相を明らかにした。ついで、本稿で復元された叛乱当初の国際秩序から見て特異に映る項羽の十八王分封体制も、分封以前の国際秩序に制約された結果がもたらしたものであること、また楚漢戦争の意義は、戦国中期以前の状況を指向した項羽の体制より、分封以前の戦国後期的な国際状勢へのゆりもどしとして考えることができよう。The collapse of the Qin Empire was precipitated by the uprising of Chen She (Chen Sheng), and the subsequent period of upheaval continued for eight years until the victory of Liu Bang in the struggle with Xiang Yu. In regard to the situation during this period, many scholars regard it as a throwback to the situation that prevailed during the latter part of the Warring States period, and in recent years some have also addressed Xiang Yu's feudal system of eighteen kings considering it the origin of the Western Han commandery and principality system. However, sufficient research has not been conducted into the mechanism of this recurrence of the framework of the latter Warring States period. From this standpoint, the author attempts to grasp the state of the circumstances of sudden rise of various kingdoms after Chen She's uprising in terms of the relationships among multiple states. As an initial step, I first examine the revival of the Six Kingdoms that had been destroyed by Shihuang-di after the start of the revolt and the course of the establishment of the kings. This period is generally regarded as one in which it was even possible for a person whose roots were not in royalty or the nobility prior to the Warring States period to call himself a king, and that the principle that made their behavior possible has thought to have been derived from their own achievements and character. However, as a result of the considerations made in this paper, it is clear that the principle that made it possible to become a king cannot be confirmed in internal domestic matters. I made clear that the framework of the multiple coexisting states led by the kings could be seen as the fundamental element and that the character of the legitimacy of the kings' position was established solely confirmed by receiving the recognition of kings of other states in the same system The multi-state system that appeared after the uprising of Chen She was defined and formed by the late Warring States period framework in which the Qin and Six Kingdoms coexisted, but at the core of this system was the existent of one king who could be called the first among equals. And this first among equals-traditionally the King of Zhou, the Son of Heaven-was precisely the one person who could ultimately confirm the legitimacy of kings of other states, and under the multi-state system of the latter part of the Warring States period, he held not only the authority to recognize legitimacy but was also a leader (従長) who could initiate military action leading multiple states. Conversely, examining the Xiang Yu's feudalism of the eighteen kings from the above angle, his system, son of heaven, hegemon, feudal lords, i.e., the Spring-and-Autumn-period, tri-level structure that existed until the middle of the Warring States period, was greatly different from the bi-level system of the latter part of the Warring States period. However, on the other hand, the new system of Xiang Yu that at first glance seems extreme was also constrained by the multi-state system that followed the uprising of Chen She. In addition, the primary cause of the devastating collapse of Xiang Yu's new system was that it was established on measures such as the divisions into various states and the movement of Wei that were politically ill-considered, but in contrast behind the appearance of such a system was the struggle between Xiang Yu's policy and the multi-state system that appeared in the latter half of the Warring States period after Chen She. In this way, the system of Xiang Yu led to a return to the situation of the latter part of the Warring States period shortly after it was initiated, and eventually the death of Xiang Yu in battle and the accession of Liu Bang to emperor.
著者
邉見 統
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.7, pp.1307-1331, 2014

After pacifying the Chinese world during the 5th year of his reign (202 BCE), Former Han Dynasty Emperor Liu Bang (also referred to as Gaozu 高祖) duly rewarded his loyal followers with titles of ranked status, the highest of which was Liehou 列侯. We find items in such ancient chronicles as Shiji 史記, and Hanshu 漢書 describing the institution of such ranks at the beginning of the period, describing them as the "Liehou hierarchy"; and the research to date on the subject has shown that 1) eighteen such rankings were instituted during the Liu Bang's reign and 2) in the 2nd year of the Gaohou 高后 era (186 BCE), the Empress Dowager's Lu 呂 Family regime instituted what is known as the "Gaozu System of Leihou Rankings" (Gaozuxi Liehou Weici 高祖系列侯位次). However, as the result of an analysis of descriptions concerning ranked status in the ancient historiography, the author of the present article adds that the Gaozuxi System was revised during the reign of Emperor Wen 文. As to the political significance of the establishment of the Gaozuxi System in 186 BCE, first, there was the intention to preserve the 18 ranks set up by Liu Bang and respect his authority, in addition to recognizing the achievements of those who were so honored during his reign. It was in this way that the Lu Family regime planned to obtain the support of Liu Bang's retainers, implying that such actions as granting feudal estates to the princes of the politically powerful Lu Family was initially met with strong resistance, which needed to be appeased. As to the revisions made to the Gaozuxi System during the reign of Emperor Wen, motivation similar to the Lu Family may also be cited, in addition to political necessities specific to the Wen regime.That is to say, the Wen imperial regime was formed after the Dynasty's ministers of state overthrew the Lu Family regime and enthroned Liu Heng, the fourth son of Liu Bang and monarch of the kingdom of Dai 代; therefore, the revisions were also intended to strip members of the Lu Family of their Gaozuxi rankings, thus legitimizing the authority of Emperor Wen over the defeated Lu Family regime.
著者
邉見 統
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.7, pp.1307-1331, 2014-07-20

After pacifying the Chinese world during the 5th year of his reign (202 BCE), Former Han Dynasty Emperor Liu Bang (also referred to as Gaozu 高祖) duly rewarded his loyal followers with titles of ranked status, the highest of which was Liehou 列侯. We find items in such ancient chronicles as Shiji 史記, and Hanshu 漢書 describing the institution of such ranks at the beginning of the period, describing them as the "Liehou hierarchy"; and the research to date on the subject has shown that 1) eighteen such rankings were instituted during the Liu Bang's reign and 2) in the 2nd year of the Gaohou 高后 era (186 BCE), the Empress Dowager's Lu 呂 Family regime instituted what is known as the "Gaozu System of Leihou Rankings" (Gaozuxi Liehou Weici 高祖系列侯位次). However, as the result of an analysis of descriptions concerning ranked status in the ancient historiography, the author of the present article adds that the Gaozuxi System was revised during the reign of Emperor Wen 文. As to the political significance of the establishment of the Gaozuxi System in 186 BCE, first, there was the intention to preserve the 18 ranks set up by Liu Bang and respect his authority, in addition to recognizing the achievements of those who were so honored during his reign. It was in this way that the Lu Family regime planned to obtain the support of Liu Bang's retainers, implying that such actions as granting feudal estates to the princes of the politically powerful Lu Family was initially met with strong resistance, which needed to be appeased. As to the revisions made to the Gaozuxi System during the reign of Emperor Wen, motivation similar to the Lu Family may also be cited, in addition to political necessities specific to the Wen regime.That is to say, the Wen imperial regime was formed after the Dynasty's ministers of state overthrew the Lu Family regime and enthroned Liu Heng, the fourth son of Liu Bang and monarch of the kingdom of Dai 代; therefore, the revisions were also intended to strip members of the Lu Family of their Gaozuxi rankings, thus legitimizing the authority of Emperor Wen over the defeated Lu Family regime.