著者
水内 豊和
出版者
富山大学人間発達科学部
雑誌
富山大学人間発達科学部紀要 = Memoirs of the Faculty of Human Development University of Toyama (ISSN:1881316X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.93-101, 2021-10-22

諸外国のASD者の運転に関する研究を概観した。免許取得率は定型発達(TD)者よりも低いがその割合は一様ではなかった。免許取得過程には指導者の障害理解や指導スキル,本人の障害の開示などの問題があった。運転への自信や不安についての研究結果は一意ではなかった。障害特性が運転に与える影響の検証は多数あり,社会的状況認知や視覚運動の協調など諸側面でASD者の運転行動がTD者よりも拙劣とする結果があるが一貫性はなかった。また路上運転ではなくドライビングシミュレーターによる検討がほとんどであった。運転改善の検討からは,構造化,明瞭化,実演して見せるなどの方略の有効性が示された。以上よりASD者がTD者と比べて運転リスクが高いといえる一貫した証左はなく,個々の事例性に大きく依拠することが示唆された。今後わが国でも実証的研究の蓄積とそれに基づくシステマティックレビューやガイドラインの作成が求められよう。
著者
安野 眞幸
出版者
弘前大学教養部
雑誌
文化紀要 (ISSN:04408624)
巻号頁・発行日
no.23, pp.1-33, 1986-03-10
著者
宮城 栄昌
出版者
横浜国立大学
雑誌
横浜国立大学人文紀要. 第一類, 哲学・社会科学 (ISSN:05135621)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.1-33, 1967-12-20

It is believed that to find out how the jurisdiction of the Noro (祝女) of Okinawa was decided and what changes have happened to it offers an important clue to expound the birth and growth of villages, and the religionus, political and social characteristics of the Noro and Tsukasa (司) in Okinawa. That is what this article aims at. The writer's conclusion is that the territory over which Noro's authority is exercised originated in the kind of parish of a Negami (根神), who came out of the pioneer family in a village, and has developed into the administrative territory in charge of Noro who was appointed by the government. So in Okinawa, until in the Meiji era, the establishment, unification or abolition of "Magiri=Son" (間切=村) and "Mura" (村) was carried out on the basis of the territorial jurisdiction of Noro, and their constitutional factors had a priority over those of the administration. The materials of this article are mainly supplied by Ryukyu-Goku Yuraiki (琉球国由来記) compiled in 1713, and also by the records of the Noro and Tsukasa, which are the fruit of our explorations from 1960 to 1965 in Okinawa, Miyako, Yaeyama Islands and Amami-Oshima Islands.
著者
田中 雅一 Masakazu Tanaka
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.3, pp.445-516, 1989-01-27

The aim of this article is to understand a Hindu villagefestival in terms of cosmological meanings and politicalfunctions. In the "Introduction" anthropological works on Hinduvillage festivals are reviewed first, and then a Kali goddess villagefestival, held at a Hindu fishing village on the western coast ofSri Lanka, is described and its rituals are interpreted. Finallythree themes are considered in order to understand the villagefestival as a whole. These themes are, first, the construction ofspatial categories such as the sea, village and forest; second, thecosmological opposition between Kali and evil spirits; and, last,the political domination of the village net-owners.The recent development of anthropological studies ofHindu village festivals is characterized by a shift from a structuralfunctionalistapproach to symbolic analysis. In the formerapproach social functions of the festival are emphasized and"village solidarity" is considered to be realized through theparticipation of the villagers in the festival, whereas in the latterthe cosmological dimension of the village festival is investigatedand more attention is paid to symbols such as sound, color,images, and the like. It is said that the village festival providesa rare occasion on which a village is renewed through the intrusionof the sacred. However, both approaches tend to ignore themulti-dimensional character of the festival, especially its politicalfunctions, and explain it in terms of either group-solidarity orsymbolism. It is argued that with some modifications Turner'sconcepts of "structure" and "anti-structure" are useful to theunderstanding of the political functions.The Kali goddess festival is held at her temple for ten days inthe month of avani (September-October). This is the time whenthe goddess originally appeared in the village, which had beensuffering from an epidemic, and saved the villagers. As it wasKali herself who had caused the epidemic, when she was properlyworshipped and given due respect, the fatal disease was controlled.On the first day, a medium, who is possessed by Kali duringthe festival, makes three ritual pots, one karakam and two kumpampots.The karakam-pot is used for a village procession, while thekumpam-pots are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of the Kalitemple. On the third, fifth and seventh day of the festival themedium goes into a trance in the sanctum sanctorum, places thekarakam-pot on his head, and starts going around the village withhis followers. Along the way villagers throw water to cool themedium's body. In exchange they receive margosa leaves andhang them on the fence around their houses. Hanging margosaleaves on the fence indicates that a household member is sufferingfrom small-pox, whose pustule is, it is believed, visual evidence ofpossession by a small-pox goddess. Therefore, the karakam-potprocession is interpreted as the intrusion of an epidemic. Thefestival re-acts the original event in which Kali first appeared tothe villagers and saved them from the epidemic. Kali representedas the karakam-pot is a goddess of epidemic. Accordinglythe village is described as "a community of suffering" (Turner).On the tenth day a goat is sacrificed in front of the Kaligoddess temple. With this sacrifice Kali is propitiated and herviolent and feverish character is transformed into a calm andbenevolent one. Then the ritual pots made on the first day areall thrown into the sea.Finally, Kali's brass-image is heavily decorated and is takenout from the temple for a village procession. Unlike the karakamprocession,it shows no reference to an epidemic disease. Rather,it symbolizes a joyful and triumphant occasion after the epidemiccum-divine has disappeared. When the brass-image comes backto the temple, puja (worship) is performed and pracada (sacralizedofferings) are distributed to festival patrons. They are villagenet-owners and some wealthy men.From a structural-functionalist point of view the villagefestival enforces "village solidarity" by representing it as a communityof suffering at the beginning and as a community oftriumph over the epidemic at the end. During the festival thevillage is clearly demarcated by a series of processions.Symbolically, the village festival shows the transformation ofKali from a violent, epidemic-causing goddess into a benevolent,grace-conferring one. The villagers make every effort to cooldown the goddess and propitiate her. Accordingly the villageis renewed, as are the villagers.From a political point of view the festival legitimizes andconstructs the politico-economic domination of a wealthy sectorof the fishing village, especially the net-owners. The villagersare divided into two classes; net-owners and their employees.All the fishermen contribute to the village festival as villagepatrons, but it is only the net-owners (and wealthy persons) whoare allowed to make additional contributions and, in exchangefor these, they have exclusive rights in receiving prasada at the endof the festival. In a sense they only support the non-ecstatic(structural) phase characterized by the brass-image of Kali,and not the ecstatic (anti-structural) phase, which is to be deniedat the end of the festival. They take over the collective effortof the villagers to transform Kali, and seem to say that, withouttheir financial support, neither the village festival nor thetransformation of the goddess would ever be possible. Thus itis through their contributions that the village is saved from theepidemic.
著者
安居 光國
出版者
SAMA企画
雑誌
Rikatan : 理科の探検 = 37
巻号頁・発行日
pp.74-77, 2019-04

ニセ科学を斬る! ファイナル
著者
稲葉 振一郎 保田 幸子
出版者
明治学院大学社会学部付属研究所
雑誌
明治学院大学社会学部付属研究所研究所年報 = Bulletin of Institute of Sociology and Social Work, Meiji Gakuin University (ISSN:09114831)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, pp.135-148, 2016-01-06

【特別推進プロジェクト/The Research Project】「大災害と社会―東日本大震災の社会的影響と対策の課題」
著者
今野 正規
出版者
關西大學法學會
雑誌
關西大學法學論集 (ISSN:0437648X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.1, pp.119-152, 2013-05-11