著者

ツー ティモシー ユンフイ Timothy Y. Tsu

雑誌

国際学研究 = Journal of international studies (ISSN:21868360)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.21-43, 2020-03-30

著者

山口 義久

出版者

大阪府立大学人文学会

雑誌

人文学論集 (ISSN:02896192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.1-9, 2015-03-19

著者

小林 和夫

出版者

北海道大学教養部人文科学論集編集委員会

雑誌

北海道大学人文科学論集 (ISSN:03856038)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.293-313, 1973-12-10

著者

伊藤 守幸

雑誌

学習院女子大学紀要 (ISSN:13447378)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.1-12, 2010-03-31

著者

西山 伸

出版者

京都大学大学文書館

雑誌

京都大学大学文書館研究紀要 (ISSN:13489135)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.41-54, 2016-03-20

著者

吉村 惇

出版者

奈良教育大学

巻号頁・発行日

2021-03-25

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奈良教育大学修士学位論文, 学位の種類: 修士(教育学), 学位授与年月日: 令和3年3月25日

著者

松本 修 Osamu Matsumoto

出版者

Groupe Bricolage

雑誌

Groupe Bricolage紀要

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.1-7, 2008-12-01

著者

吉住 修

出版者

熊本大学

巻号頁・発行日

2013-03-25

著者

米田 治泰

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.249-278, 1964-03-01

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聖俗貴族の大土地所有とそれにもとずく小土地所有農民の隷属化は、十一批紀ビザンツにおいて、もはや国家の阻止しえざるものとなっていた。十一世紀末に成立したコムネノス朝は、それ自体、小アジアの軍事貴族であり、他の「同等者」の利益を無視することは許されなかった。ここに、レーン的結合を構成するというよりはむしろ皇帝による恩賞行為に近いのではあるが、皇帝と貴族の結合、前者の後者把握を可能ならしめるべき一種の「条件」が生起した。それは手短かにいえば、国家による「一定数量の農民、国税収入の贈与・移譲」であるが、単なる好意を越えて、国家の必要、特に軍事的な必要を充分させる意図も持っていた。我々はこの「条件的土地保有」をプロノイアに、さらにはアリスモス、カリスティキアに見るのであるが、それらの具体的内容、実体をどう理解するか。「ビザンツ封建制」は屡々、アウトプラギア (自発的徴税権) から構成されるといわれ、この点からいっても、条件的保有は少なからぬ意味をもつのであるが、そこに生ずる領主・農民関係はどうであったか。本稿は、こうした間題に若干の考察を加えんとしたものである。

著者

佐村河内 力 桜井 政成

出版者

立命館地域情報研究所

雑誌

地域情報研究 = 地域情報研究 (ISSN:24240923)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.120-136, 2019-03

著者

飯開 輝久雄 岩田 建一 上田 敏雄

出版者

熊本大学

雑誌

熊本大学政策研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.81-92, 2012-03-23

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本稿は、熊本県内菊池市および合志市におけるいくつかの自治会に対して実施したアンケート調査等を基に現状を整理した結果に基づき、いつでも、どこにでも起こりうる災害に対し、いかにして自分や家族を助けるのか、地域内での災害発生時対応をいかにしておこなっていうのかについて、阪神淡路大震災をきっかけに生まれた『黄金の72時間』をキーワードとし、自助・共助・公助の視点に基づき3つの提案を行うものである。更に、少子高齢化や人口減少といった様々な問題から「住民参加のまちづくり」以前に、自治会や区といったコミュニティそのものの崩壊が懸念されている現状に対し、提案内容から導かれる防災を起点とした新たなコミュニティ構築の可能性も探索する。

著者

山尾 幸久

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.900-922, 1973-11-01

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個人情報保護のため削除部分あり

著者

木村 光江

出版者

首都大学東京法学部

雑誌

法学会雑誌 (ISSN:18807615)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.39-62, 2018-07-31

著者

倪 永茂

雑誌

宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 = Journal of the Faculty of International Studies, Utsunomiya University (ISSN:13420364)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.93-100, 2020-09-01

著者

大鎌 邦雄

出版者

北海道大学農学部農業経済学教室

雑誌

北海道大学農經論叢 (ISSN:03855961)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.70-93, 1972-03

著者

コールマン ジェームズ・S 川辺 亮

出版者

北海道大学大学院農学研究院

雑誌

北海道大学大学院農学研究院邦文紀要 (ISSN:18818064)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.28-41, 2020-03-31

著者

阿部 和俊

出版者

愛知教育大学地理学会

雑誌

地理学報告 (ISSN:05293642)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.1-14, 1982-12-01

出版者

北海道大学

雑誌

北大百年史

巻号頁・発行日

vol.部局史, pp.1385-1426, 1980-03-20

著者

齋藤 厚

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.39-61, 2005

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In Slovenia, the first parliamentary election was held in 1990. The coalition DEMOS, which was formed by the newly-founded Social Democratic Party of Slovenia (SDS) and other new parties, won the election. The DEMOS government played a decisive role in the process of the independence of Slovenia from Yugoslavia. The second election was held in 1992. The center-left SDS achieved limited success in this election. Though the SDS was included in the coalition government formed by the Liberal Democrats of Slovenia (LDS, the former League of Socialist Youth), the United List of Social Democrats (ZLSD, the former League of Communists) and the Christian Democrats of Slovenia (SKD, the center-right new party), it considered a merger with the Socialist Party of Slovenia (SSS) for its survival. However, after the party leader Janez Janša was removed from the position of defence minister because of a military scandal in March 1994, the SDS stepped out from the ruling coalition and abandoned much of its social-democratic platform. The party turned into a rightist party, which strongly emphasized nationalism and anti-communism. The SDS was very successful in this turn, and it has been the strongest opposition party since the 1996 elections. In this paper, the author analyzes the factors that are related to the success of this right turn by the SDS. The first factor was an intra-party factor, the political leadership of the party leader Janša. As a dissident from the communist time and a hero in the country's bid for independence, he has been regarded as a charismatic leader in Slovene politics. He excels in perceiving public opinion and exploiting it for his political purpose, rather than initiating policies by himself. Thus, he perceived and started to exploit nationalism and anti-communism among people who stood up for him when he was ousted from his cabinet position. The SDS followed him firmly since the party executive backed him, and the greater part of the party were members who newly joined in support of him. The second factor was an inter-party factor, the close linkage between political parties and interest groups, and the absence of a strong nationalist party. By 1994, the main parties built close relations with their interest groups, for example, the LDS with the capitalist class, the ZLSD with the working class, the SKD with the Catholic Church and the Slovene People's Party (SLS, the center-right party which emerged in 1989 as the former Slovene Farmers' Alliance) with farmers. On the other hand, the far-right in the Slovene political spectrum was vacant at that time due to the split of the SNS (Slovene National Party) into several groups. The SDS, which had failed in getting the support of the working class, used this vacancy and succeeded in approaching the voters of the right. The third factor was a sociopolitical factor, the control of administrative structure by the government coalition. In Slovenia, various laws and administrative organs were established intensively after independence. Eventually, when the administrative structure was established or reformed, officials were largely recruited from party members of the then government coalition. The LDS, ZLSD and SKD appointed their members as leaders of the ministries. Thus, the government coalition in 1993 gained control of the administrative structure. The SDS, which was ousted from the coalition, started to criticize this control as the restoration of communist power (LDS, ZLSD) with the help of the collaborationists (SKD). This criticism by the SDS drew the support of the people who didn't enjoy the benefits of the transition. The fourth factor was an institutional factor, the introduction of corporatism, and the ZLSD's domination over it. In Slovenia, corporatism, which consists of the National Council, the chamber system and social partnership, has been introduced since 1992. By 1994, the ZLSD succeeded in dominating the social partnership, the main institution of Slovene corporatism, through its connections with the government, the trade union and the employers' association. This seemed to be the revitalization of the former system to its critics. The SDS started to demand change in the existing trade unions and employers' association, to draw the support of these critics. The fifth factor was a historical factor, the split in the Slovene nation over their modern history. During World War II and the Nazi occupation, Slovenes were divided into two sides, the communist-led partisans and the collaborationists. After the end of communist rule, the Catholic Church, on behalf of the collaborationists, started to revise historical events during WWII to justify their past collaboration. Since then Slovenes have once again become divided over their modern history, whether they take sides with the partisans or the collaborationists. The SDS, which was not previously a supporter of the collaborationists, started to advocate them and succeeded in attracting support from them. The sixth factor was a geographical factor, namely the smallness of the state. With a territory of about 20,000 square kilometers and a population of 2 million, administrative and economic structures in Slovenia are small and simple. Under this circumstance, the SDS's criticism of the heritage of the former regime seemed concrete to its supporters, though it was actually distorted. In Slovenia, parties form a coalition government based on its proportional electoral system which often does not produce a majority party. The SDS had kept its political influence through criticizing the former communists in power and being in opposition. The SDS became the first party in the parliametary election in 2004, and formed a coalition government with other rightist parties. Now the question is whether or not the SDS will be able to keep the same political stance as when it was in opposition.

著者

佐藤 昭裕

出版者

京都大學大學院文學研究科・文學部

雑誌

京都大學文學部研究紀要 (ISSN:04529774)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.1-82, 2008-03-31