著者

小林 英美

出版者

日本シェリング協会

雑誌

シェリング年報 (ISSN:09194622)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.18, 2022 (Released:2022-06-29)

---

The paper discusses how poetic imagination was shared in Germany and Britain in the late 18th century via translations, contemporary periodicals and subscription libraries, using Gottfried August Bürger’s gothic poem “Lenore” (1773) and the English translations. Inspired by a British poem, Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1766), Bürger composed “Lenore”, published on a German periodical. About 20 years later, an English translation of “Lenore” by William Taylor was published on a British radical periodical and highly acclaimed by Romanic poets. Being translated and published on periodicals available at public libraries, “Lenore” was widely read by middle-class readers and the poetic imagination was passed down to the next generations.

著者

小林 航 高畑 純一郎

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.117-131, 2017 (Released:2021-08-28)

参考文献数

11

---

本稿では,公債の課税平準化機能に関するLucas and Stokey(1983)のモデルから,不確実性を除去したうえで生産性をパラメータ化し,消費と余暇に関する分離可能な効用関数のもとで,最適税率が異時点間で一定になる条件を導出する。閉鎖経済では,消費の限界効用の弾力性と労働供給の限界不効用の弾力性がそれぞれ時間を通じて一定となることがその条件となる。他方,開放経済では,割引因子と債券価格が等しいという仮定のもとで,労働供給の限界不効用の弾力性が一定であることが条件となる。そして,関数型を特定化し,政府支出や生産性の変化が最適税率に与える影響を分析する。その結果,准線型関数や開放経済においても,生産性が変化する場合には最適税率はかならずしも一定とならないことなどが示される。

著者

大野 太郎 小林 航

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.176-190, 2011 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

14

---

本稿では地方債充当率に着目し,市町村データ(推定期間:1998~2008年度)を用いて充当率(実績値)の決定要因を探るとともに,地方公共団体が地方債充当率の上限規制から影響を受けているのか否かについて実証分析を行った。検証の結果,当期の経常歳入が充当率(実績値)に対して負に寄与していること,また足下の充当率(実績値)が高い市町村は上限規制が起債の制約になっていることも示された。

著者

林田 吉恵 上村 敏之

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.131-148, 2010 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

15

---

本稿では,投資家である家計の税制と法人所得税が企業の設備投資に与える影響を分析する。そのため,設備投資の資金調達手段の違いを考慮した個別企業ごとの租税調整済み資本コストと限界実効税率を計測して投資関数を推計し,投資率に対する法人実効税率の弾力性を求めた。本稿は,これらの分析結果の分布の推移に注目する。 限界実効税率の平均は1970年代から90年代にかけて高く推移し,その後に低下する。その分布は,1970年代から90年代にかけて広がりを見せるが,2000年代になれば小さくなる。投資関数の資本コストの係数は,1970年代から90年代まではさほど変わらないが,2000年代は小さくなる。1970年代と80年代の限界実効税率の投資率に対する弾力性の値は大きいが,90年代から2000年代に入ると低下する。 本稿の分析により,過去の法人所得税の限界実効税率は設備投資に対して影響力を持っていたが,2000年代に入り,影響力は小さくなったことが指摘できた。

著者

大野 太郎 小林 航

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.170-189, 2010 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1

---

本稿では地方債充当率に着目し,その決定要因に関する理論分析と,都道府県データを用いた実証分析を行う。考察と検証の結果,実証的に最も支持される点として,当期の経常歳入が充当率に対して負に寄与しており,財政力の高い地域ほど充当率が低いことが示される。また,地方債充当率には上限規制が存在するが,実証分析の結果,少なくとも本稿の推定期間内においては,それが大きな制約にはなっていないことも示唆される。

著者

林 亮輔

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.140-159, 2011 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

26

---

わが国の公共投資政策は,その時々の経済情勢に応じて,地域間・分野間での公共投資の配分を大きく変化させてきた。本稿は,戦後の公共投資政策を総合的に評価することを目的とし,①景気低迷など需要サイドの影響を取り除いた「潜在厚生水準」を推計し,②生活関連型社会資本の直接的な厚生効果と,産業基盤型社会資本の間接的な厚生効果をとらえることで,公共投資が地域の厚生水準に及ぼした影響を検証した。 その結果,①公共投資政策は地域間の厚生水準格差を縮小する方向で作用していたこと,②都市圏では生活関連型社会資本,地方圏では産業基盤型社会資本への公共投資が,厚生水準の上昇に大きく寄与していることが明らかになった。 これらの検証結果は,今後,公共投資という政策手段を講じて地域間の厚生水準を上昇させるとするならば,それぞれの地域の厚生水準を最も高めうる社会資本への公共投資を重点的に行うことが重要であることを示唆している。

著者

小林 庸平 林 正義

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.160-175, 2011 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

9

---

本稿では一般財源化と高齢化が就学援助に与える影響について検証を行う。就学援助の認定基準や給付内容の決定は市町村に委ねられているが,2004年度までは国庫補助が行われており,国の補助条件が一定の基準を提供していた。しかし,2005年度に準要保護者への就学援助に対する国庫補助が一般財源化され,就学援助が地方の財政状況に左右されやすくなったと考えられる。また,高齢化については先行研究が示すように,高齢者が多数を占めることを意味するから,高齢化は子ども向けの支出を減少させる可能性がある。本稿では,新入学児童・生徒1人当たり年間援助額や就学援助率,準要保護率については,財政力の多寡が就学援助に影響を与え,とりわけ,新入学児童・生徒1人当たり年間援助額については一般財源化後に財政状況が与える影響が増大したことが示される。さらに高齢化の進展は新入学児童・生徒1人当たり年間援助額や就学援助受給率を減少させることが示される。

著者

小林 航 近藤 春生

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.218-232, 2008 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

11

---

本稿は,自治体首長の多選禁止問題について検討するために,都道府県知事の在職年数と財政運営の関係について分析する。既存研究では,基礎的財政赤字と知事の在職年数との間にU字型の関係が観察されていたが,本稿ではそのような関係は見られず,むしろ逆U字型か単調な右下がりとなることが示される。また,こうした結果が得られる理由についても検討する。

著者

林 正義 石田 三成

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.252-267, 2008 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

14

被引用文献数

2

---

本稿では交付税措置が地方単独事業に対する効果を平均処置効果として1990年代の各年に関して推計した。その結果,交付税措置は1996~97年を除き,90年代を通じて地方単独事業に有意な影響を与えていたことが示された。

著者

林 正義

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.119-140, 2009 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

23

被引用文献数

3

---

本稿では1999年から2004年までの都道府県別パネルを用いて公共資本が地域生産に与える効果を考察した。本稿では特に,先行研究では十分に配慮されていない,生産から資本への遅れたフィードバックを通じた推定上の問題,生産要素や生産水準の時間を超えた動学的効果,そして,公共資本を含む諸変数の適切なデータ範囲に留意して推定を行った。推定の対象となる生産関数は状態依存モデルとADLモデルに拡張され,Arellano and Bond(1991)による手法を用いた推定が行われた。ADLモデルでは個別の生産要素の効果が有意に推定できず,生産関数アプローチが否定される結果となったが,状態依存モデルからは,民間資本の効果は有意に推定されなかったものの,他の変数に関してはもっともらしい結果を得ることができた。特に状態依存モデルからは,比較的大きな公共資本の生産力効果が推定された。

著者

小林 航

出版者

日本財政学会

雑誌

財政研究 (ISSN:24363421)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.213-226, 2005 (Released:2022-07-15)

参考文献数

17

被引用文献数

1

---

本稿では,消費者部門に特化した簡易モデルを用いて,炭素税導入とともに他の税目を減税する税収中立的な環境税制改革の帰結を分析する。特に,社会保険料や労働所得税を減税対象とするケースにおいて2つ目の配当が正になること,および炭素税の逆進性と労働所得税の累進性からこのような環境税制改革は公平性を大きく損なうものの,正の不平等回避度のもとでも非環境的厚生が増加する可能性があること,などが示される。

著者

市山 高志 西河 美希 林 隆 古川 漸

出版者

一般社団法人 日本小児神経学会

雑誌

脳と発達 (ISSN:00290831)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.6, pp.466-470, 1997-11-01 (Released:2011-08-10)

参考文献数

20

---

急性脳炎において, 局所の免疫・炎症病態を検討するため, 急性期の髄液中のinter-Ieukin-1β (IL-1β), IL-6, tumor necrosis factor-α (TNF-α), soluble TNF receptor1 (sTNF-R1) をsandwich enzyme-linked immunoassay法で測定した.対象は急性脳炎の24名で, 神経学的後遺症の有無により予後不良群9名, 予後良好群15名に分けて検討した.IL-1β, IL-6, TNF-α, sTNF-R1とも対照群 (23名) に比して予後不良群, 予後良好群とも有意に高値を示した.またsTNF-R1は予後不良群が予後良好群より有意に高値を示した.以上からIL-1β, IL-6, TNF-αは急性脳炎の炎症・免疫病態に関与しており, また急性期の髄液中sTNF-R1値は神経学的予後を推測しうる指標になると考えた.

著者

林 忠行

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.47, pp.1-16, 2018 (Released:2019-10-08)

参考文献数

33

---

This paper outlines the movement for an independent Czechoslovak state during the First World War and examines how it was affected by the Russian revolutions of 1917. After the outbreak of the War, only a limited number of Czech and Slovak leaders took up the cause for an independent state, while the majority remained loyal to the Habsburg Monarchy. In 1916, one of the early independence leaders and the first president of Czechoslovakia, T. G. Masaryk, founded the Czechoslovak National Council (CNC) at Paris with the aim of securing the support of the Allied countries. Yet since Allied governments regarded the Habsburg Monarchy as necessary for keeping the balance of power in Europe, they avoided making any commitment to support the CNC and, instead, sought a separate peace with Austria-Hungary. Consequently, the CNC could not achieve any notable results in their negotiations with the Allied governments until April 1918.Just after the outbreak of the War in 1914, Czech and Slovak settlers and emigrants living in Russia joined the war against the Central Powers as a part of the Russian army. The Russian Imperial Governmdent supported Czechs and Slovaks who were loyal to the Russian Empire, but they made no commitment to the independence of the Czechoslovak state. Meanwhile, the Russian state also barred Masaryk, a vocal critic of Czarism, from entering the country. After the March Revolution of 1917, however, Masaryk gained entry to Russia, and he subsequently established his leadership among the Czechs and Slovaks there. He also mobilized newly-freed Czech and Slovak prisoners of war into what later became known as the “Czechoslovak Legion.”In the Bohemian Lands, the Russian March Revolution promoted the rise of radical nationalists who claimed the independence of the Czechoslovak state from Habsburg Monarchy. Between January to July 1918, they gradually expanded their influence in the Czech political circles. Yet they lacked sufficient power to overthrow the Habsburg regime on their own. This situation eventually changed when, in April 1918, the negotiations for a separate peace between the Allied Powers and Austria-Hungary miscarried, and, subsequently, the French government turned to openly support anti-Hapsburg movements including the CNC.After the Bolshevik November Revolution, Soviet Russia and the Central Powers signed the Brest-Litovsk treaty in March 1918. With the eastern front now closed to the Czechoslovak Legion, Masaryk instead decided to transfer his troops to the western front through Vladivostok. On their way to Vladivostok, however, the Legion revolted against the Bolsheviks. This was followed by the Siberian Expedition by the United States and Japan in August. After the outbreak of the rebellion, the CNC was officially recognized by the Allies, and it was regarded as a de facto government by the end of the War. These favorable circumstances led Czechoslovak leaders to declare the independence of the new state and established a new government with exiled leaders at the end of October of 1918.

著者

林 由貴

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.100-114, 2017 (Released:2019-02-01)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1

---

The main objective of this paper is to analyze the construction process of the historical studies on nationalism of Nicholas Hans, Russian émigré educationist. In general, the scholar’s comparative theory is known in the field of education; however, this article concentrates on Hans’ keen interest in various aspects of ethnic questions, which widely vary between the humanitarian questions of the Enlightenment and the post-colonial problems after the Second World War. It is almost impossible to survey these numerous issues entirely at a time. However, a theoretical outline of Hans will be investigated using archival materials on him. Thus, the analysis will be made in the following order. First, the article interprets the basic term “nationalism” and its academic contexts where it is specially used by Hans. In the draft “Ethnic Questions in Ukraine,” no clear definition of the term is yet adopted. Though Hans obviously questioned the definition mainly after the Second World War, the evolution of the construction process of studies on nationalism should be investigated along with his historical interest in ethnic questions in Russia’s western frontier, where Russians, Ukrainians, Belarussians, Poles, Ruthenians, and other minorities live altogether. Thus, the nationalism in the draft “Russia’s Western Frontier” and in other articles written at the beginning of the Cold War should be interpreted as a creation process of ethnic consciousness on the one hand; a negative usage also exists, which is equivalent to xenophobic movements, on the other. The former definition evaluates the ethnic movements to attain cultural independence and political transition, but the latter chiefly aims criticism at the utterly ignorant attitudes of the imperial bureaucracies towards non-Russian inhabitants. Second, the untapped notes “Ethnic Questions in Ukraine,” which are witness to Hans’ political practice in Odessa and the regional disorders after the October Revolution, are taken into consideration. An on-the-spot inquiry, which Hans personally attempted in Odessa, shows that neither the newly founded ethnic schools nor the Bolshevik ones satisfied regional educational demands. The author focuses on the historical coincidence of Hans’ inquiry with the educational circumstances in Ukraine after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which shows the fact that the exclusiveness of nationalism is rather fictional, and that the genuine nationalist movement, as Hans puts it, is often confused with the former. Finally, the last part contains an analysis of the unpublished draft “Russia’s Western Frontier.” After the failure of its publication, Hans obviously changed his research direction. Whilst the purpose of the work was first defined as a single mission by a Russian émigré scholar to speak of the historical details of ethnic varieties in his motherland, unknown to a European readership, the purpose was corrected after the Second World War to a more universal framework. So-called teamwork in comparative study, an ultimate end of Hans’ theory, enables a wider scope to analyze ethnic questions interculturally.

著者

林 裕明

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.44, pp.108-110, 2015 (Released:2017-08-18)

著者

林 忠行

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.42, pp.128-130, 2013 (Released:2015-05-28)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

堀林 巧

出版者

The Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.1-12, 2010 (Released:2012-06-20)

参考文献数

24

---

This paper examines the systemic change from communism to capitalism and the transformation of the welfare system in the Visegrad countries, the Baltic states and Slovenia. The CEE countries aimed to create capitalism through liberalization, macro-stabilization and privatization of the state-owned firms after the breakdown of communism. The first attempts at privatizing the large state-owned firms in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic resulted in different types of state and private “hybrid ownership” structures in which some state paternalism remained. The state paternalism remained in Slovakia, too. The Baltic states adopted the most radical liberalization and macro-stabilization policy in the region to create a form of capitalism, which was furthest removed from the past-communism symbolized by the former Soviet Union since they considered independence from Russia as the most important challenge of the systemic change. While Slovenia created a German type of corporatist industrial relation in the first half of the 1990s on the basis of the past legacy, i.e., self-management socialism, it implemented privatization gradually. Due to both internal and external reasons such as the CEE countries’ low level of domestic capital accumulation and their accession into the EU, the inflow of FDI from old EU member states into the CEE increased at a faster pace since the late 1990s. As a result, “dependent capitalism” emerged in the eight CEE countries. The Visegrad countries enjoyed a higher pace of economic growth through multinational-led export increases by the late 2000s. In the Baltic states, a “housing and consumption boom” originated from the excess-loans from foreign bank affiliates to households. However, the CEE economies (except Poland) were severely damaged by the spread of the financial crisis and recessions in the core EU member states after the late 2008. From this event, one should keep in mind the negative aspects of the excess-dependence on foreign capital in the CEE economies. The communist welfare system consisted of full employment, universal social insurance, a firm-based system of service, fringe benefits and subsidized prices for basic necessities such as food and housing. The “transition recession” in the beginning of the 1990s led to massive unemployment and the end of full employment in the CEE. By introducing unemployment benefits and social assistance system in order to cope with the increase of the poor and unemployed in the beginning of the 1990s, the welfare system of the CEE moved closer to those of Continental European type. From the mid-1990s, the social policies of many CEE countries shifted to what the World Bank had recommended. For example, many countries in the CEE implemented pension reform, including partial privatization, although Slovenia and the Czech Republic did not. The fact that poverty rate in Slovenia and the Czech Republic is much lower than those in Poland and Baltic states reflects different social policy stances. It also reveals historical path-dependency since Slovenia and the Czech Republic created the most developed capitalism in the CEE as measured by per capita GDP on the basis of historical legacy. Before the breakdown of communism, both Slovenia and the Czech Republic belonged to the advanced region in the Eastern Europe.

著者

林 忠行

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.33, pp.47-58, 2004 (Released:2010-05-31)

---

This article aims to analyze the responses of the Visegrad Four countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) to the Iraq War which started on March 20, 2003. Central and East European countries, including these four countries, were considered to be“pro-American, ”particularly as demonstrated by their leaders' signatures to“the Letter of Eight”or“the Declaration of the Vilnius Ten, ”issued at the end of January, and at the beginning of February 2003, respectively.U.S. unilateralism was particularly notable during the period between November 2002, when the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1441, and May 2003, when the US declared an end to major combat in Iraq, and the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1483. Specifically during this period responses of the Visegrad Four countries to the crisis in Iraq differed significantly from one another. Poland, for example, sent its special forces unit (GROM) to Iraq at the beginning of the War. The Czech and Slovak Republics deployed their NBC weapon response units in Kuwait, however they did not engage militarily in Iraq. Hungary allowed the U.S. to use an airbase located in its territory as a training ground where Iraqi opposition members were trained by U.S. forces as police officers and interpreters, but it did not send any military units to the Middle East during this period.The military measures taken by the four countries varied in accordance with the different agendas of their respective key parties in parliament. Generally speaking, the main pro-American factions were the Trans-Atlanticists within the center-right parties, who oriented themselves toward mainstream European Christian democrats or liberal democrats. Realism among center-left social democratic parties, especially the parties in power, was another factor which encouraged conciliatory attitudes toward U.S. policy and the crisis in Iraq. At same time, however, a considerable group of social democrats opposed U.S. unilateral military actions in Iraq because of their high regard for maintaining multilateralism in respect to agreements established by international institutions, such as the UN, NATO or the EU. Therefore, center-left parties faced a dilemma in evaluating whether or not to support military action in the Middle East.Extreme leftists, nationalists and Catholic traditionalists were almost universally opposed to dispatching troops to the Middle East. However, most of these were only“protest parties”which did not have the actual ability to influence decision-making in parliament. One of the key factors which inhibited Central and East European participation in the U.S. military's intervention in Iraq was in fact heavy criticism leveled by populist opposition parties. These parties were sensitive to public criticism of U.S. unilateral military activity in Iraq and thus blocked local involvement therein.Thus, the differing responses of each country to the Iraq War can be viewed as a reflection of local political dynamics between the Pro- and Anti-American forces within each country's internal politics.

著者

中林 啓修

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.33, pp.91-105, 2004 (Released:2010-05-31)

---

This paper aims to examine the standpoints of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) in the field of Justice and Home Affaires; especially the field of police cooperation in the context of European Enlargement today.This paper, mainly, focuses on the European Union's assistance policies of Justice and Home Affaires for Candidate countries.These EU assistance policies are divided into two broad categories. One category is policy as the part of pre-accession assistance called PHARE. And the other category is called specific assistance policies including GROTIUS, STOP, OCTOPUS, OISIN, ODYSSEUS, and FALCONE.The purpose of the former policy is to make candidate countries join the EU successfully with the twinning approach (training programs for assistance) . On the other hand, the purpose of the latter policies are implementing the ability of law enforcement of assisted countries in each specific field such as combating human trafficking, Criminal Justice and so on.Before 5th EU enlargement, CEECs as candidate countries, received assistance policies of both categories from the EU and EU member countries.However, on the way to achieving full membership in the EU, CEECs standpoints were changing gradually from their candidate positions.After finishing 5th EU enlargement successfully, EUROPOL (European Police office: Main institution for police cooperation at the European level) has launched “EUROPOL Enlargement Project” for coordinating the accession process of CEECs on behalf of EUROPOL successfully.In this context, the standpoint of CEECs is a likely candidate country assisted by EU and former member states of EU. But at the same time, CEECs start to assist new candidate countries of the EU (Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Turkey) with their political and administrative experience and successful accession process to the EU through By-and Multi- lateral cooperation with these candidate countries.For instance, in 2002, the Hungarian Government offered to assist the Croatian government reform the government institutions of Croatia for joining the EU. It is specifically mentioned that this offer is earlier than the European Commission's proposal for applying the experience of new member states.These two aspects show that CEECs have been partially assisted countries, at least in the field of EUROPOL cooperation, but at the same time, have tried to make the best use of their experience of accession as the assistance tool for new candidate countries.In other words from the context of European integration (Deepening and Enlargement of the EU), CEECs have kept a nearly assisted position in the deepening phase while trying to achieve an assisting position in the phase of enlargement.The result of the examination is that CEECs are now on their way to changing their standpoint from assisted countries to mediation countries between the EU and new candidate countries in the field of police cooperation.

著者

小林 茂三

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ソ連・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:03867226)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1974, no.3, pp.83-91, 1974 (Released:2010-03-16)