著者
若林 芳樹
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.4, pp.255-273, 1990-04-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
43
被引用文献数
2 1

本稿は,距離評価法と描画法によって測定された,札幌における大学生の認知地図の相対的歪みについて,若林(1989a)の方法を一部修正して,計量的分析を行なったものである.その結果,札幌の大学生の認知地図は,現実の地図との適合度が比較的高いことが明らかになった.ただし,距離評価法による結果は,認知地図と現実の地図との適合度よりも経路距離空間とのそれの方が高いのに対し,描画法では,現実の地図からのずれも個人差も比較的小さいという調査方法による違いが現われた.距離評価法による結果が示唆する認知地図の非ユークリッド性については,MDS(多次元尺度構成法)によって布置を求める際に,ミンコフスキー距離を当てはめて検討したところ,市街距離との適合度がもっとも高くなることから,対象地域の格子状街路が距離評価に影響を与えているものと推定される.このような調査方法による結果の差異は,人間が環境の情報を獲得し,再生するまでの情報処理過程の違いによるものと解釈される.
著者
森川 洋
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.11, pp.739-756, 1987-11-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
172
被引用文献数
3 1

This paper aims to review the development of central place studies in Japan. The situation has somewhat changed considerably in the ten years since the publication of review articles by Watanabe (1975), Morikawa (1977) and others. As reported in the above-mentioned papers, studies of central places in the early 1950 s were influenced not only directly by Christaller's theory but also by other schools of thought such as rural sociology in the United States. Trade area, traffic area, life sphere, city region, etc, were also the focus of attention in urban geography on that area. Since that time, the study of city regions has become a major field but the empirical study concerning the hierarchical structure of the central places started to be undertaken, especially by Watanabe (1954 c, 1955). And the central place studies in Japan have grown gradually both in terms of quality and quantity little later than the studies by Anglo-Saxon geographers which reached at one of the golden age around in 1960, when the IGU Symposium was held at Stockholm. Two central research directions can be recognized in central place studies. One direction aims to elucidate structural characteristics of the Japanese central place system. Wa tanabe (1975) claims that the research concerns of Japanese urban geographers remain on the level of the morphology of structural patterns and that studies of the causal consequences of structure are lacking. However, his view seems to reflect the fact that most earlier research was in this direction, including his own. Early research endeavored to clarify the structure of central place systems. Second direction of study has made efforts to introduce quantitative approaches in Anglo-Saxson geography; it has very rapidly developed since the study of Berry and Garrison (1958). With the exception of the studies of Ishimizu (1957 c) and M, Nishimura (1956, 1969), it was not until the early 1970s that Japanese central place studies using the quantitative approach were published. Both directions of central place studies have developed in parallel, though over time the quantitative approach has become greater emphasized. Table 1 shows the number of papers in central place studies published between 1951 and 1986 in units of five years. There is a decreasing trend in the number of papers pub lished after the peak years of 1971-75, when studies of quantitative approach were first published. In recent years the number of papers on theoretical and methodological approaches has increased significantly compared to the number of empirical studies; within the category of empirical studies, there is an increasing number of papers from related fields such as regional-planning application studies. The following four points seem to be most important in a discussion of central place sutdies today. 1) In recent years the quantitative approach using factor analysis has increased greatly. Although new results have been obtained using such analysis, the field of study becomes too narrow when one depends on this type of analysis alone. A pluralism of approaches is required. 2) Despite long-term development of central place studies since the early 1950 s, method of investigation easily applicable to actual analyses has not yet been established. In mu-nicipalities, for example, statistical approaches are not always appropriate, especially when more than one central place are included within the area of the municipality. In regional planning, the centrality of each settlement should not be measured simply by retail function but also in terms of other central functions such as administration, education, health service, communication etc., from more wholistic perspective. 3) The central place system on a national scale has been considered using only simple criterion. However, such research has not yet been taken on in the scale of, for example, the “Kluczka-Karte” in West Germany.
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.11, pp.635-653, 1986-11-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
1 1

19世紀フランス最大の地理学者の一人に数えられるエリゼ・ルクリュ (1830-1905) は,ほとんど忘れられた存在であったが,近年地理学史やrelevantな地理学への関心から,再評価されつつある.本稿はルクリュ地理学の体系とその思想を彼の地理学三部作の中に探ることを目的とする.ルクリュは人類史の前史として地球の諸現象を地的調和の中に捉え(第1作『大地』),次いで世界各地で自然と人間が織りなす地表面の姿を記述し(第2作『新世界地理』),これらの事実の中から根本法則を引き出し,人類の歴史を跡づけることを課題とした(第3作『地人論』).ルクリュの地理学体系は個別科学としての地理学の体系化に寄与するというより,人類の歴史,人類の歴史的有り様を追究した壮大な歴史哲学といえる.ルクリュの思想は人類の歴史を階級闘争史観で捉える社会科学的視点に立つ一方,自然と人間の調和ある統一を理想とした目的論的世界観であるロマン主義の思潮と進化主義の思想とが統一された思想であった.
著者
川崎 俊郎
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.8, pp.503-526, 1995-08-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
39
被引用文献数
3 3

本研究は,日本近代化の地域的展開を解明する一環として,長野県佐久盆地を事例とし,明治・大正期に設立された銀行について,設立者の投資活動の変化とその要因を明らかにすることを目的とした.その結果は,以下のとおりである.佐久盆地においては,明治10年代と明治30年代の2つの時期に銀行が集中して設立された.いずれの時期も銀行設立に中心的な役割を果たしたのは地主層であった.明治10年代においては,銀行の設立者である地主は江戸時代後期から「江戸商い」に代表される遠隔地との商取引を行ない,幕末から明治前期にかけてはその延長として生糸取引にかかわった.生糸取引に伴う荷為替の決済がこの時期の銀行の主たる業務であった.明治30年代に設立された銀行は,明治20年代以降に佐久盆地に普及した養蚕業と,それに関連する倉庫業や肥料販売業への融資に重点があった.設立者である地主の中には,倉庫業や肥料販売業,さらに製糸業に進出するものも現われた.銀行設立の動機にみられるこのような変化は,佐久盆地が江戸時代後期から明治前期にかけて江戸(東京)や横浜と直接商取引を行なうほど商業活動が盛んであった地域から,明治後期には養蚕業を中心とした商業的農業地域に変化したことを表わしていると考えられる.
著者
椿 真智子
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.11, pp.879-891, 1996-11-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
43

The purpose of this paper is to examine the distribution patterns and characteristics of the development of reclaimed land in the modern period based on the cases recorded in the Kaikonchi Ijyu Keiei Jirei (The Management Cases of Reclaimed Land), government documents published by the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry in 1922 and 1927. These official documents contain information concerning the location of reclaimed land, land uses, types of farming conducted on reclaimed land, major crops and supplemental employment taken up by settlers. Because of the lack of data, reclamation projects in Hokkaido are not included in my analysis of the development of reclaimed land. During the 1920s, rural villages throughout the country suffered from an economic slump and population increase. The Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry carried out a policy which called for the development of land under cultivation. The Kaikonchi Ijyu Keiei Jirei served as the basic guidelines for the enforcement of the ministry's land development policy. An examination of data included in the above-mentioned documents reveals the following: 1. The scale of reclamation projects in the Tohoku and northern Kanto and Chubu regions was larger than in the western region. The number of reclamation projects in the western region was also small in comparison to those recorded for eastern and northeastern Japan. The relative scarcity of reclaimable land and scarcity of government-owned land for reclamation purposes, contributed to this uneven development. In Aomori, Tochigi and Okayama prefectures, large farms were developed by nobles and wealthy merchants with large funds. 2. There were three periods when reclamation projects were actively conducted: early Meiji era, midMeiji era, and former Taisho era. During the early Meiji era, former samurai (shizoku) who received money from the Meiji government conducted reclamation projects. During the mid-Meiji era, privatization of government-owned land promoted the development of land under cultivation. The acquisition of reclaimable land by noble families (kazoku) also fostered the expansion of reclaimed land in the Tohoku region. During the Taisho era, the adoption of the Land Arrangement Law of 1909 permitted the opening of marginal areas adjacent to existing agricultural land. 3. Reclamation and settlement projects in the modern period were initiated by many individuals and groups, including former daimyo (kazoku), former samurai (shizoku), cooperatives and corporations. Many reclamation projects by shizoku were promoted during the first two decades of the Meiji era. Most of these enterprises, however, failed. As a result, individuals lost ownership of land they had reclaimed. The farms developed by kazoku were mostly located in Tochigi prefecture in the 1880s. 4. The management of reclaimed land centered around field farming, combined with sericulture, handicrafts, and livestock breeding. The main crops were wheat, barley, sweet potatoes, potatoes and other staple crops. In addition, settlers grew vegetables, fruits, tobacco, jute and other cash crops to supplement their meager income. More importantly, they engaged in sericulture in many regions. Because of the low productivity of reclaimed land, most settlers had to produce some cash crops and earned additional income by engaging in supplemental employment. 5. People who settled on reclaimed land not only came from nearby villages but also from other distant places. The opening of new settlements promoted intervillage migration, and constituted one of the major characteristics of modern Japan.
著者
鹿島 薫
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.11, pp.734-743, 1985-11-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
11

River Maruyama and River Wada are located in southern part of Boso Peninsula, Along both rivers, One Pleistocene terrace and three Holocene terrace series can be observed. Upper Holocene terrace (Maruyama I terrace) is distributed widely from the upper to lower course. By field observations of terrace deposits, Maruyama I terrace is thought to be the fluvial fill-top terrace. Only in the lower course, drowned valley had been formed and marine silt and clay with shell fragements had been deposited from about 10, 000 y. B. P. till 0, 000y. B. P., But, before the emergence of Maruyama I terrace, this drowned valley had been filled by fluvial materials from both rivers. Mid and Lower Holocene terraces (Maruyama IT and Maruyama III terraces) are distributed from the upper to lower courses. But distribution area of each terrace is smaller than that of Maruyama I terrace. From theupp er to middle course Maruyama II and III terraces are thought to be fluvial strath terraces because terrace deposits are composed of granule and sand whose thickness is less than 2m. But in the lower course those terrace are thought to be fluvial fill-top terrace because thickness of those terrace deposits is more than 5m. Those evidences show that the terrace topography of this area had been formed by three cyclic changes of depositional and erosional processes of both rivers in the Holocene. And those changes were persumed to be caused by rapid sea level rise in early Holocene and seismo-tectonical movement during the Holocene.
著者
高橋 春成
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.7, pp.513-537, 1989
被引用文献数
3

The feralization of livestock is one of the themes of geography, but few studies have been done aside from those of T. L. McKnight. The author studied feral pigs, with particularr emphasis on distribution, time of the feralization, background of feralization, and attitudes toward feral pigs, through analysis of reference works in geography and other academic fields and investigation in Australia and the Ogasawara Islands in Japan.<br> The author examined the distribution of feral pigs in comparison with that of Eurasian wild boars (from which pigs are domesticated). The distinction between feral pigs and Eurasian wild boars is not always clear, however. Domestic pigs roamed and had opportunities to become wild under traditional husbandry practices such as free ranging and mast feeding in Europe and Asia, and they are mostly regarded to have merged with Eurasian wild boars. Further, introduced Eurasian wild boars interbred with feral pigs in the United States, the Republic of South Africa, and parts of South America. Almost everywhere there is evidence of human modification of the indigenous fauna.<br> Regarding the time of feralization, the author examined data from North and South America, Australia, and some islands where the time was comparatively clear. According to this analysis, pigs were introduced to some islands in the Pacific Ocean by Melanesians and Polynesians, and feralization occurred even though their distribution was limited. From the 15th century to the 19th century, explorers, colonists, sealers, and whalers introduced or released pigs on many oceanic islands and new continents. In this period, pig feralization occurred frequently, and the main feral pig's areas were established. Deliberate release by landholders and hunters continues in some areas even today.<br> Extensive husbandry, deliberate release, and accidental escape are important factors in feralization. The spread of practices such as free ranging and mast, feeding contributed to pig feralization. Deliberate release by explorers, fishermen, landholders, and hunters is also a major factor. In these cases, we can point out the influence of humans who recognize the value of feral pigs as sources of food or game.<br> Regarding attitudes toward feral pigs, the author examined data from Australia and the United States. In general, feral livestock including feral pigs were useful to pioneers and early settlers as supplementary animals. But as time passed, feral pigs came to be legally classified as noxious or verminous in Australia because of the damage they caused wheat farmers and raisers of sheep and cattle. In the United States, where such severe damage did not occur, feral pigs are legally classified as game. However, in both countries there are conflicts of interest among farmers, hunters, and landholders who collect hunting fees; all these groups have different attitudes toward feral pigs, which make it difficult to control feral pigs effectively.<br> In the Ogasawara Islands, feral pigs were recorded as early as Commodore Perry's expedition in 1853. But it is difficult to collect clear evidence of these feral pigs today. In the period in which the islands under occupation by the U. S. Navy after World War II, pigs were brought from Tinian Island by the Navy, and a number of them were released. It is said that pigs were released for food supply and game on Ototo Island and Chichi Island, as a future source of food of fishermen on Muko Island and Nakodo Island. Their descendants are thought to have survived on Ototo Island.
著者
式 正英
出版者
The Association of Japanese Geographers
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.11, pp.757-760, 1984
著者
遠藤 匡俊
出版者
社団法人日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.4, pp.221-236, 1990-01-01

漁撈・狩猟・採集生活をしていた江戸時代のアイヌの移動形態は,一定の本拠地からの季節的移動と理解されてきた,これは,本拠地における居住集団の構成員が一定していたことを意味する.安政3 (1856)年から明治10 (1877)年にかけての紋別場所では,集落の位置がほぼ固定し,多くの家が集落内に定着しており,集落を構成する家は固定的であった.しかし,家単位の居住者を追跡した結果,個人の家間移動が激しく,家の構成員は流動的に変化していた.すなわち,集落単位では,多くの家が本拠地を固定させていたにもかかわらず,家単位でみると,多くの人員が本拠地を家と家の間で移していたことが明らかになった.家の構成員の安定性を比較すると,静内場所,樺太南西部では固定的であり,紋別場所,高島場所では流動的に変化していた.江戸時代のアイヌ社会において,家の集落間移動による集落を構成する家の流動的変化と,個人の家間移動による家の構成員の流動的変化という,2種類の流動形態が見出された.
著者
町田 貞
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.10, pp.637-642, 1987-10-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
被引用文献数
1 1

In this paper, the position of geomorphology in the area of geography in Japan and the recent trend of Japanese geomorphology are discussed, judged from the papers published in Geographical Review of Japan (Chirigaku Hyoron). Since the establishment of the Association of Japanese Geographers in 1925, geomorphology has been a main object of study in the field of geography in Japan. Immediately after 1945, geomorphological studies have become conspicuously active in comparison with other fields in the physical geography, and quantitative researches of fluvial and marine deposits such as gravel analysis and the studies of mechanism of the formation of geomorphoic surfaces made rapid progress particularly from 1950 to 1960. At that time, depositional topographies were paid more attention to than erosional topographies. As is well known, the Japanese Islands belong to an orogenic zone showing many topo-graphic features affected by crustal movements in the recent geological periods. Therefore, Japanese geomorphologists have paid much attention to the relationship between landforms and crustal movements. After 1950, active faults have been investigated by many geomor-pholcgists in Japan. Recently, systematic approaches of active faults of Japanese Islands appeared and the result was published as Active Fault of Japan (1985). Around 1960, papers of the geomorphic history in Holocene and Pleistocene were intensively published in Geographical Review of Japan. One of the typical examples of such researches is a study of geomorphic history of the Kanto Plain, which became a standard region of Quarternary Chronology in Japan, using a tephrochronological method. On the other hand, quanti-tative and experimental studies of the external agencies on the depositional and erosional forms are also actively carried out. It is worthy of note that the relations between processes and land forms are precisely examined. At present, notable is the progress of general geomorphology, such as studies on mech-anisms and processes of the formation of landforms, experimental geomorphology, climatic gecmorphology as well as tectonic geomorphology and geomorphic chronology, in Japan. Thus, contents of Japanese geomorphology have a wide variety. However, papers on re-gic-nal geomorphology has been very few, contrary to those on general geomorphology. From the viewpoint of geography in Japan, this tendency is not desirable. In recent years a store of topographic knowledge has been accumulated in various parts of Japan. Japanese geomorphology is now considered to have reached a step to make a systematic regional geomorphology of Japan from a standpoint of geographical philosophy.
著者
鳥谷 均
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.67-79, 1985-02-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
18
被引用文献数
4 5

静穏な晴夜に長野県菅平盆地で形成される冷気湖の発達過程を明らかにし・これと冷気流を含めた盆地内の局地循環との関係を考察するために観測を行なった・この結果・次のことがわかった. (1) 夜間,盆地内の大気層は3層からなっている.すなわち,下層から, (i)風のほとんどない安定層, (ii) 盆地底で最低気温が現われる時刻に,周囲の斜面で形成された風が流入する安定層, (iii) 一般風が卓越する中立な層である. (2) 日没後,一般風が弱まると,盆地底では盆地の短軸方向の風向をもつ弱い風が,斜面上では斜面下降風(冷気流)が現われる.盆地底の上空では冷気湖が形成され,しだいに発達する. (3) 上空で吹く一般風が弱い時には,冷気湖の厚さは周囲の尾根の平均的な高度の1/2に達する.(4)夜間,上空の風が一時的に強くなる“ブレイク”の時期がある.この時,冷気湖は薄くなり,斜面上でも気温が上昇する. (5) 斜面下降風(冷気流)の吹走時には,斜面上は盆地底に比べて気温の低下が小さい.また,風速の時間変化は40~50分, 20分前後,気温の時間変化は50~60分, 30~40分,20分前後の周期が卓越する.
著者
曽根 敏雄 高橋 伸幸
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.11, pp.654-663, 1986
被引用文献数
5

Large scale frost-fissure polygons are spread at Hokkai-daira plateau, Daisetu volcanic massif, central Hokkaido. In order to ascertain actual frost cracking in the frost-fissures, the authors measured seasonal changes of the width of frost-fissures, ground temperatures and snow cover from September 1984 to September 1985. Main results obtained are as follows;<br> 1. As snow tends to be almost completely blown away by strong wind, snow cover affects the ground temperature only slightly.<br> 2. The annual ground temperature alternations at 1m-depth ranged at least from +0.0_??_1.2&deg;C to -13.6_??_14.8&deg;C, suggesting the existence of permafrost underneath.<br> 3. Horizontal distance changes between the two stakes across frost-fissures from fall 1984 to winter 1985 indicate that the width of frost-fissures increased in winter by 1cm. And frost cracks, about 1cm wide at the surface, occurred by mid-Februauy on the surface of snow and ice which covered or filled in frost-fissures. Therefore, frost-fissure polygons at this site are most likely active.<br> 4. Considering the present climatic conditions of this area, the cross sections of frostfissure and above-mentioned results, we suggest that the frost-fissure polygons at this area are soil-wedge polygons.
著者
榧根 勇
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.12, pp.735-750, 1993
被引用文献数
3 1

文部省科学研究費補助金の分科細目の大幅変更を機に,特定地域の自然と人間との関係を研究する地理学の存在理由について,自然地理学の側から考えてみた. 17世紀に西洋で始まった近代科学は,差異の捨象と法則性の追求を主目的とし,個別事例の説明は法則による演繹で可能としてきた.かって自然地理学を構成していた地形学・気候学・水文学などは,このような近代科学の枠組みのなかで,それぞれ独立したディシプリンとしての基礎をかためた.近代科学の目的は,均質で比較的単純な系については達成されたが,人間と直接かかわる自然,すなわち不均質で時間とともに進化する複雑な系については未だしの感がある.自然地理学の存在理由は,たぶん自然の一部である人間がよりよい生を送るために必要な知の提供にある.その目的は地域情報を総合して自然史を編み上げることで達成できると思う.一例として,ヒマラヤ・チベットの隆起が第四紀後期の氷期一間氷期出現の原因になったというHT効果仮説について説明した.現在地球上に展開している人文現象の地域的差異の理解にとっても,地域の自然史は不可欠の情報である.
著者
安原 正也 丸井 敦尚 布施谷 正人 石井 武政
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.10, pp.719-727, 1991
被引用文献数
6

The Tsukuba Upland, about 390 km<sup>2</sup> in area, is one of the diluvial uplands commonly found in the Kanto Plain (Fig. 1). The upland is composed of the Younger Kanto Loam (about 3m thick at most), the Joso Formation, and the Kioroshi Formation in descending order. In the upper part of the Joso Formation is a less-permeable clay/silt layer called the Joso Clay (Fig. 2). The present study aims at clarifying the physical properties of the Joso Clay, which are important from the hydrological point of view.<br> The Joso Clay was sampled at 19 points on the Tsukuba Upland for determination of its physical properties (_??_ in Fig. 1). The Younger Kanto Loam and the sands, situated above and below the Joso Clay, respectively, were also sampled for a comparison of physical properties. In addition, some data on physical properties of the Joso Clay were obtained from the literature (0 in Fig. 1).<br> Saturated hydraulic conductivities of the Joso Clay proved to be extremely low, ranging from 8.29&times;10<sup>-6</sup> to 5.30&times;10<sup>-9</sup>cm/sec with an average value of 1.39&times;10<sup>-6</sup>cm/sec (Table 1). The Joso Clay presented a remarkable contrast in saturated hydraulic conductivity to both the overlying Younger Kanto Loam and the underlying sands, showing differences of two to three and three to five orders of magnitude, respectively (Fig. 3).<br> The porosity of the Joso Clay was between 54% and 77%. The Joso Clay showed a high degree of variability in thickness, from 15 to 400cm (Fig. 4). No macropores or non-capillary pores with the pore diameters larger than 3.8&times;10<sup>-2</sup>mm were found in the Joso Clay (Fig. 5), indicating that almost all the water in the Joso Clay moves very sluggishly.<br> Based on the results of this study, vertical subsurface water movement in surface parts of the Tsukuba Upland is assumed to be substantially restricted due to the presence of the Joso Clay.
著者
三木 理史
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.7, pp.548-568, 1992
被引用文献数
1

従来,国家的統制政策の所産と考えられてきた昭和初期から第二次世界大戦中の交通事業者の統合問題を,大手私鉄資本による地域交通体系の再編成という視点から再考して,その空間構造を検討した.事例は三重県における近鉄資本による事業者統合に求めた.<br> その結果,大正期まで基本的に国鉄駅起点の路線形態をとり国鉄線中心の交通体系下にあった局地鉄道線は,大手私鉄資本下に統合されてゆくなかで,大手私鉄幹線中心の交通体系に再編成されてゆく過程を跡づけることができた.そうした地域交通体系の再編成構想の実施にあたっては,戦時交通統制という国家政策の利用が不可欠であった.
著者
山下 博樹
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.4, pp.280-295, 1991-04-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
21
被引用文献数
2

The cities of Hachioji and Machida, located in the western suburb of Tokyo, have developed with the expansion of the Tokyo metropolitan area. But the two cities have different histories. Hachioji city was a stage town (shuhubamachi) in the late feudal period, and developed into a central city in the Tama area after the Meiji Restoration. Machida does not have such a long history; it deve-loped as an urban area only after the opening of the national railways' Yokohama Line and the private Odakyu Line in the late. The author analyzed the processes of change in the central business district (CBD) structure of the two cities, using such indicators as the change in functional accu-mulation, location of multi-storied buildings, and change in floor use for each function, with the comparison being made between 1981 and 1987. The following are a few results in the differences of changes of CBDs in the two cities. 1) The differences in the function of CBDs in the two cities can be explained by differences in the process of accumulation. Hachioji has experienced a shift of the core of its CBD from Koshu-kaido highway to Hachioji station, and its CBD has been differentiated functionally. But in Machida, because the CBD developedd near the station of the Odakyu Line, various functions already existed there. The survey also shows a reductive tendency in the area which serves some functions of the CBD (Figs. 1-3, Tables 1-4). 2) The differences in shape between the two CBDs can also be observed from a survey of the locations of multi-storied buildings. In Hachioji, the density of those buildings which were located on the three main streets stretching away from the station in 1981 has increased since 1981, and there is now a cluster of them in front of the station. In Machida, the number of multi-storied buildings which could be seen in the core of the CBD has increased in area surrounding it. The difference in the process of forming the CBD in the two cities reflects the differences in building use in the two CBDs (Fig. 4, Table 5). 3) The cluster analysis for changes in floor use reveals the degree of the functional areal differ-entiation in each of the CBDs. In Hachioji, three kinds of clusters can be recognized separately: offices, personal services, and parking and vacant lots. In Machida, the cluster which changed to office use is dominant. The comparison between present and previous functions of each floor in the buildings of the two CBDs shows the difference in the CBD development processes (Fig. 5). Those differences can be explained by both the historical background and the CBD development processes. Hachioji experienced functional areal differentiation in the shift of its CBD core. But Machida developed into a satellite city after the railroads opened in the Meiji period. As a result, the functions in the CBD have accumulated differently.
著者
神谷 浩夫
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.6, pp.413-426, 1984-06-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
52

Consumer behavior research stimulated by the development of cognitive behavioral approach has accumulated many empirical studies, having close relation to such established fields as spatial interaction studies and the central place theory. Recent trends in this field suggest that spatial behavior is influenced by spatial and temporal constraints and that preference structure behind the behavior is not intrinsic to individuals. In the light of this argument, the focus of the study is placed on the constraints-oriented spatial choice process. The purpose of the paper is to propose a store choice model which includes the concept of constraints and to test its validity. First, through the descriptive analysis in Section III, consumers' patronage patterns for various facilities (including grocery store, pharmacy, post office and bank) are examined. The data are gathered through the self-reporting about these facilities by housewives living in Nagoya City. In Section IV the proposed model is operationalised and applied to the grocery store choice. In this model, the choice process is divided into two components. One expresses the process of constructing individual's choice set. The other indicates the process of choosing the best alternative among the choice set. And the standard ellipse is used as the choice set to delineate the activity space where consumers usually keep contact. The form of the choice function is multiplicative. When we introduce the activity space ellipse, we could explain the observed behavior better than without employing the ellipse. At the next step, we subdivid the population into subgroups according to their socio-economic status. This subdivision is repeated in terms of the ownership of private vehicle and the housewife's working status. After the population is divided, the activity ellipses are changed respectively and then applied to the grocery choice model. This time the explanable results were not obtained. The defficiency of the activity ellipse may be due to the discrepancy between the actual travel mode used and the household's ownership reported, and also due to the shape of ellipse.
著者
野村 亮太郎
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.8, pp.537-548, 1984-08-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
13

篠山川は,兵庫県東部に位置し,篠山盆地を貫流して,西方に流れ,加古川と合流する.その途次,盆地内で3段,盆地西方で1段の河岸段丘を形成する.盆地内の段丘を上位から,川代面,大山面,宮田面とし,盆地西方の段丘を阿草面とした.このうち,川代面と大山面の一部区間は,盆地中央に向かって高度を下げ,現在の篠山川の流下方向に対して逆傾斜している.また,盆地北部に広く分布するチャートが盆地西端の川代礫層に含まれず,さらに,川代礫層のインプリケーションは現在の篠山川と異なった方向を示し,大山礫層の礫径も東部に向かって小さくなる傾向がある.これらのことから,川代礫層,大山礫層を堆積したころ,篠山盆地の排水は現在の篠山川を通じては行なわれず,武庫川によって行なわれていたと考えられる.この排水路が河川争奪によって変更され,篠山川は加古川へ流出することとなった. 河川争奪の原因は,盆地南部の流紋岩よりなる山地の山麓部に広がる麓屑面堆積物の一部が盆地出口の河床に押し出した結果,河床が上昇したことによると推定される.このため,盆地内は湛水し,西方にあった分水界の低位置から浴流し,新しい排水路ができ,それが恒常化して,現在の篠山川が生れたと考えられる.河川争奪がおきたのは,大山礫層中にみられる姶良Tn火山灰および14C年代からみて,約2万年前以降と考えられる.
著者
鈴木 力英 河村 武
出版者
公益社団法人 日本地理学会
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.12, pp.779-791, 1995-12-01 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
15
被引用文献数
1 1

日本における地上から300hPaまでの気温逆転層(接地逆転層は除く)の地域性と季節性を明らかにすることを試みた.資料には高層観測磁気テープを使用し,1983年3月~1987年2月の4年間を対象期間とした.対象地点は国内の20地点,対象時刻は日本標準時で9時と21時である.逆転層の月別出現頻度と出現高度の情報をもとにクラスター分析を行ない,日本列島を5つの地域(北海道型,東本州型,仙台・館野型,西日本型,太平洋島しょ型)に区分し,次のような結果を得た.北海道型では1,000~950hPaの気層で逆転層が梅雨期を中心に31%(6月)の頻度で発生し,これはオホーツク海気団の影響と考えられる.750hPaを中心とした逆転層の出現頻度の極大は夏季を除いた季節に全国でみられ,冬季季節風,および移動性高気圧等に伴う沈降性逆転が原因であると考察される.
著者
上田 元
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
地理学評論 Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.6, pp.417-437, 1989
被引用文献数
1

習志野市における行政過程への住民参加の実態を検討する.行政は,市民本位の生活空間管理をめざしてコミュニティ単位に領域組織を編成し,これに参加する有志市民の組織化を試みた.しかし,行政領域に基づくこの試みは,住民側の既存の領域的な近隣組織と葛藤を生じ,結局後者が参加の主体となった.これは市政に参加する市民代表の性格を曖昧にし,市民の行政への要望や参加のあり方を局地化することになった.そこで,このように制度化した参加がいかなる実効性をもつのかを,近隣組織への加入率と提出された要望の実績によって評価したところ,街区ごとにかなりの差が認められた.そしてこの差には,入居時期と住宅事情,旧住民・就業産業状況等,世帯の類型・流動性の違いが一義的に対応ずることがわかった.また,市民の要望は,市民の生活環境評価の善し悪しや,宅地開発の形態を反映しているが,在来区域は制度の実効性に問題がある街区を多く抱えている.