著者
半澤 誠司
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.6, pp.587-602, 2004
被引用文献数
5

アニメーション産業と家庭用ビデオゲーム産業は, 現代日本の最も広く知られた文化産業のうち2つである。両産業は, 高い離職率と東京への集中という共通の特徴を有する。しかし, 詳細な立地や, 労働市場, 企業間関係という点では明らかに違いがある。ゲーム会社に比べてアニメーション会社の立地は, 国単位ではより東京に, 地域単位ではより東京西部に集中する。ゲーム産業の労働者は, 新卒であろうと中途であろうと公募を通じて採用され, 時折深刻な人間関係の悪化があるためしばしば企業間を移動する。逆に, アニメ産業では, 明らかな人間関係の悪化は少ない。アニメの離職者のほとんどは, フリーランサーになるか自分の会社を設立するかして, そうでなければ完全に当該産業から離れる。ゲーム会社は, アニメ会社に比べ取引関係が少なく, 取引先を替える柔軟性も小さい。<br>これらの違いは, 特有の流通システム-アニメ産業における「合法寡占的」テレビキー局と, ゲーム産業におけるプラットフォームホルダーの存在-と特有の制作工程-前者の「ウォーターフォール工程」と後者の「リバイズド工程」-から生じる。それらは, 産業レベルで相互に影響するだけではなく, 個々の企業の行動にも影響を与える。
著者
北川 眞也
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.111-129, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)
参考文献数
94
被引用文献数
2 3

The purpose of this article is to examine a form of biopower that operates for geopolitical reasons in the contemporary globalized world. The object of analysis is a camp in which the sovereign power demonstrates its primordial structure. According to Giorgio Agamben, the Italian philosopher, such camps are a part of the paradigm of modern biopolitics, that is to say, a space where the state of exception becomes the norm. People held in the camp are abandoned by the ordinary juridical order and become ‘human beings in excess’ and ‘bare life’.In this paper, I analyze a mechanism of biopower at a Center for Temporary Stay and Assistance (CPT) for ‘illegal immigrants’ in Italy as a pertinent example of one of these camps. Anti-CPT movements radically confront the camp’s functions of administrative detention and violence. But, even if this perspective grasps undoubtedly some rationales that make the CPT operational, there could also be a risk of being politically near-sighted in reducing biopower to these characteristics. Because we can say that the power in the CPT tries to save, protect, and reproduce lives somehow. Its major functions could be not only the power of detention but also that of ‘hospitality’.Regina Pacis, a CPT situated near Lecce in the Italian southeast, has welcomed illegal migrants as ‘guests’. It has provided charity to the entrants, even if they may be excluded or expelled from Italy in the near future. Such power can operate, being based on absolute morals such as the dignity of human life. But this sort of charity or humanitarian assistance represents the newcomers as ‘victims’. Finally the power of good will to ‘aid survival’ can gradually reverse into the opposite direction. This process demonstrates that the life over which it is exercised is not outside the sovereign power.So, it will be necessary to examine ‘critical geopolitics’ from the point of view of various forms of biopolitics.
著者
岩間 信之 田中 耕市 佐々木 緑 駒木 伸比古 齋藤 幸生
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.2, pp.139-156, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)
参考文献数
74
被引用文献数
5 15

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the local residential environment of the elderly in Japanese cities, and to provide an introduction to ‘food deserts’. The case-study city is Mito City, Ibaraki Prefecture, Japan. Food desert issues represent a social exclusion problem. These issues include access to food for low-income households in low-income neighborhoods, particularly to food that is integral to a healthy diet. These issues are openly discussed outside Japan, especially in European countries. Food deserts are defined as, “those areas where car-less residents, unable to reach out-of-town supermarkets, depend on the corner shop, where prices are high, products are processed and fresh fruit and vegetables are poor or non-existent.” It has further been stated that, “the increasing tendency toward out-of-town supermarkets has led to the creation of ‘food deserts’, where cheap and varied food is accessible only to those who have private transport or are able to pay the costs of public transport if it is available.” In the UK, fatal diseases such as cerebrovascular disease and breast and lung cancer have been linked to poor nutrition, which in turn is linked to food deserts. In addition, these social exclusion issues often lead to crime, violence, and terrorism.The main factors that cause European food desert problems are social exclusion and poor access to food retailers. We find similar factors in Japanese cities. Japan is facing a crisis resulting from a rapidly aging population, and many elderly people live in downtown districts. A decline in downtown shops is notable. As a result, a food deprivation problem occurs for many elderly people living downtown in Japanese cities. This paper provides an introduction to the Japanese food desert issue, based on a case study of Mito City, Ibaraki Prefecture. People over the age of 65 in the CBD of Mito comprise 25.4% of the residents. Many neighborhood fresh-food stores have closed since the 1990s.The authors studied food retail access using a GIS (Geographical Information System) and found large food deprivation areas around the CBD of Mito City. Subsequent interviews and questionnaire surveys in these areas clarified the residential environment of the elderly. Many elderly people from inner Mito travel more than three kilometers each way, by bicycle or on foot, to go shopping. They shop only once or twice per week, and their daily consumption of fresh vegetables and fruit is less than half that of the national average.There is little doubt the elderly in inner Mito are facing a nutrition deprivation problem that is a food desert issue. Some European studies have considered the effectiveness of large-scale, retailer-oriented solutions to such problems. However, a strategy for tackling the issue of Japanese food deserts must be considered from a local perspective. Yet Japanese studies have just begun.This is a case study of a provincial city, but similar problems may also occur in other metropolitan centers and rural areas. We must first define Japanese food desert issues and then develop a research agenda to address them.
著者
本岡 拓哉
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.130-150, 2007
被引用文献数
1

<p>Recently, the idea of housing-for-life and housing welfare, which considers resident housing rights and independence rights to be of primary importance is permeating through Japan. Under this concept, squatter areas, once called 'barrack towns', have been observed by society and form the object of various support actions. Also, in academic circles some research has begun to shed light on the process of how the barrack towns have remained through time or how they have been improved while taking notice of the residents' housing and independence rights.</p><p>However, such research seldom examines the barrack towns that have disappeared and does not clarify the process of disappearance of barrack towns throughout the city. Indeed, most barrack towns have actually disappeared without being improved. When taking notice of the residents' independence rights regarding the maintenance and improvement of the living environment of their barrack town, it is also important to pay attention to the process of disappearance of barrack towns where this was not realizable. That is why this paper will discuss the process of disappearance and background of the squatter barrack towns in post-war Kobe City (from immediately after the end of the Second World War until the high economic growth period), while taking notice of the relationship between the trend of their municipal governance and the social circumstances of those days. The process from formation to disappearance of the squatter barrack towns in Kobe City can be summarized as follows:</p><p>Immediately after the end of the war, a large number of vagrants who had no place to live, and people who had no choice but to build their own barracks on burnt-out war sites, appeared in Kobe City. Although these two kinds of homeless groups were in the same situation of housing poverty, the response of the administration towards each group was completely different. Accordingly, in contrast to the vagrants, who formed a target of control, the act of building barracks itself, although most probably an illegal act, was permitted and accepted by the city administration as a result of efforts toward self-reliance. So for this reason many barrack towns were constructed while large flows of population were entering Kobe City.</p><p>From 1950 onwards however, even though rehabilitation projects were progressing, the removal of barracks by the city administration was begun. Nevertheless, the number of barrack towns increased, since the supply of both public and private housing was unable to fulfill the housing demand of the increasing urban population in the 1950s. This resulted in contrasting situations of barrack towns decreasing or increasing in different parts of Kobe City. The barrack towns in the central area were removed but reappeared afterwards at riverbeds and underneath elevated railway tracks in peripheral areas.</p><p>Because of this situation in the 1950s, barrack towns were frequently taken up in newspapers, forming the subject of social problems. This kind of social problem had four sides to it : the issues of landscape, disaster prevention, sanitation, and anti-sociability. These were repeatedly taken up by the mass media, and were used as justifications to the general public for the removal of barracks by the city administration.</p><p>In the latter half of the 1950s, the problem of illegal occupancy especially was also taken up as a social problem relating to barrack towns. The correspondence of the administration over this social problem was deployed not on a local scale but on a national scale. Six mayor meetings and chambers of commerce (Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe) discussed possible measures against illegal occupation. Subsequently, each organization submitted request documents to the Ministry of Justice, and after that Law of Theft of Immovable Property was enacted in the Diet in 1960.</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>
著者
長島 雄毅
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.1, pp.1-19, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
12

This study explores the nature of the labor market in late Edo period Kyoto, labor migration to Kyoto, and the regional structure of Kyoto and its surrounding areas, based on the employment and replacement of merchant’s servants. Previous studies on such themes have been conducted mainly in the historical demography field, and some of the proposed theories from that work include a dual structure of the urban labor market. This study builds on previous research by examining the Endo household which operated a drapery shop in Kyoto.The Endo household’s servants were live-in, as with other merchant households. They were largely divided, depending on their workplace, into tana-omote (front office) and oku (domestic). The former group was composed of male clerks and their trainees, known as tedai. The latter group did housework and was further categorized into two types: genan (males) and gejo (females).On the whole, the servants came from eight provinces, including Kyoto, the north Kinki region, and the Sea of Japan region. It seems that the distribution was influenced by conventional economic ties and areas of other large cities.Many of the tedai were from Kyoto and were employed because of their connections to the Endo household. One such connection was through bekke, the Endo household’s branch families. Other connections were neighbors and business partners of the household. The bekke was an especially important connection. Their children often became live-in servants in the merchant’s household. In contrast to the tedai, most genan were from the predominantly agricultural hyakusho class in the north Kinki and Hokuriku regions. However, because the genan are not recorded in the old documents of the Endo household at the end of the Edo period, daytime employees may have replaced them. The gejo were from various socioeconomic groups, hailing mainly from Omi (modern-day Shiga Prefecture) and Kyoto.As a result, the dual structure of the urban labor market is evident in this case study of the Endo household. The distribution of birthplaces and systems of servant’s replacement varied according to their duties: tedai, genan, and gejo. Thus, it is necessary to examine merchants’ servants based on their backgrounds and actual working condiitons in order to understand labor migration to Kyoto.Studying servant employment by considering historical demography gives insight into the labor market, labor migration, and urban society.
著者
朝倉 槙人
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.16-37, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)
参考文献数
60
被引用文献数
3

This study examines the relationship between the tourist gaze and local residents whose life spaces have recently become valuable as tourism resources. A large number of studies have been done on the impact of tourism on the local host society by presupposing and applying two influential concepts: the tourist gaze of J. Urry and the objectification of culture of Y. Ohta. However, these concepts cannot necessarily be applied to local people, who themselves have come to be tourism resources, especially in modern-day “new tourism.” Although residents have become increasingly important and indispensable factors in tourism, they cannot always accommodate themselves to the tourist gaze because they are living their daily lives as well as engaging in tourism practices within their life spaces. Therefore, this paper aims to examine how local residents understand the tourist gaze and carry out their own tourism practices within their life spaces, with special reference to Higashi-Iya, Tokushima Prefecture. In considering these issues, it is important to analyze both the influence of the tourist gaze on the regional promotion plan in Higashi-Iya, and the meaning of tourism practices for local residents (mainly tourism actors).The findings are summarized as follows: First, the regional promotion plan in Higashi-Iya is closely related to an image of authenticity advocated by a chief consultant of the project, Alex Kerr, stemming from the atmosphere of Higashi-Iya in the early 1970s. Second, tourism practices by many local residents are based on their feelings toward and sense of daily life and sincerity rather than with the tourist gaze in mind. In other words, local residents, including active actors, do not necessarily directly accommodate themselves to the tourist gaze. Such a posture by the residents has led to the unique charm that is characteristic of Higashi-Iya, an unsophisticated and authentic rural area. It seems that the relationship is advantageous to both the local residents and the planning consultant in Higashi-Iya because it facilitates participation in tourism practices for the former and provides an authentic image of Higashi-Iya for the latter. However, some residents are not willing but are forced to engage in personal practices of tourism on the basis of their daily experiences and sincerity. That leads to the third point: why do they engage in such tourism practices ? It is clear that some regional factors, such as tourism being a key industry, depopulation, remoteness from cities, etc., are interrelated and have a causal influence on the relationship between local residents and the tourist gaze. In this context, many local residents in the region have a negative perception of tourism because of lower and uncertain income and difficulties with the increase in the number of tourists, especially compared with the neighboring tourism region of Nishi-Iya. It is concluded that how the tourist gaze affects the local society is closely related to its conditions; this kind of tourism practice within life space can presumably be seen in other rural areas, especially those suffering from severe economic conditions such as Higashi-Iya. In sum, the relationship between local residents and the tourist gaze is more complicated than has previously been assumed and is closely related to the local conditions.
著者
原田 伴彦
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, no.6, pp.403-414,480, 1957

When I compare the town in Middle Ages with that of Modern Ages, I found a pretty remarkable difference in quality between the former and the latter, although both are towns under feudlism. In my article, I go through the process of changes from the Middle Ages to the Modern Ages, from the viewpoint of prospect of towns.<br>How many towns were there? How were they scattered? The towns in Middle Ages were rather few. They were 500 and so. On the other hand, in the Modern Ages. I found much more towns-nearly 4.000, most of which came into existence in the Modern Ages.<br>It is remarkable that the towns in the Middle Ages generally enlarged to grow into those in the Middle Ages and many of those which were formed in the Modern Ages also lay their foundation in the former ages.<br>The characteristic of the towns in the Middle Ages is that of some villages, some farm villages which scattered about. The military, industry and commerce, each of those three was on its way to separate from agriculture, and the social division of labour between the towns and the villages had not been completed on the contrary, in the Modern Ages, the towns were completely separated from the villages. The city, where the military class and commercial class live, is quite different from the villages, a dwelling place for the agricultural class. Accordingly the towns changed into a large, single group consisting of many houses that are in close order. This changes was inclined to be hastened through the agreement or the planned construcion of towns of &ldquo;Daimyo-Lord&rdquo; in the Modern Ages.<br>The rapid increase of population is the most distinct characteristic of the towns in the Modern Ages. This phenomenon was brought about as many people removed from the farm-villages to the towns from the latter half of the 16th century. In this process, &ldquo;Ji Samurai&rdquo;-who lived in the village, the landowner and merchant became &ldquo;Samurai&rdquo;-who lived in the town, or upper class merchants in the town, and many of middle and lower class farmers, common tradesmen or artisan.<br>To make a long article short, the town in the Middle Ages, which had character of community connected with the land, changed and grew into the towns in Modern Ages, modern society in which gainning profit and making the most proffessional ability are fundamental.
著者
杉浦 芳夫
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.5, pp.407-427, 2003
被引用文献数
2

The purpose of this paper is to revisit Christaller's central place theory in terms of the society and thought of Weimar Germany. This attempt will aim to provide another text-reading of the canon <i>Central Places in Southern Germany</i>. To that end, literary research was undertaken mainly using a biographical paper on Christaller (Hottes, R., 1981), an autobiographical paper (Christaller, 1968), Christaller's text (1933), and his papers and newspaper articles published until 1934. The results are summarized as follows.<br>Christaller, a child of a lower middle-class family, who spent his childhood in Jugenheim near Darmstadt, joined the Wandervogel movement before or after entering Realgymnasium. Although the Wandervogel was originally a hiking club of Gymnasium students, it aimed to return to nature and to the Middle Ages, and possessed a strong dislike for cities and modern civilization. Within Wandervogel, some people started various life reform movements-educational reform, clothes reform, vegetarianism, nudism, the Garden City movement, and land and housing reform-to regenerate decayed industrialized urban societies. When he was enrolled in Heidelberg University, Christaller took part in the German Youth movement that was more ideological than the Wandervogel movement. Christaller's paper (1921) on the proletarian youth movement certainly shows his commitment to that movement.<br>His personal experience of serving in the First World War, together with the influence of his fellow soldiers-Carlo Mierendorff, Theodor Haubach and Carl Zuckmayer, made him become socialistic. Following his discharge, he intended to bring about land and housing reform in order to provide low-price housing for the poor in Berlin, based on his own experience as a laborer during the postwar period-for example, as a miner in the Ruhr region. When Christaller worked as a secretary in the homesteading office of the Union of the German Civil Service in Berlin, with the help of Adolf Damaschke, the leader of the League of German Land Reformers, he was eager to bring about land reform and to facilitate the provision of public housing. This is illustrated by a report calling for approval of the Land Reform Act (Lubahn and Christaller, 1922), based on a questionnaire survey inquiring about the realities of the homestead system movement. Notably in a Berlin construction firm, where he was employed after his retirement from the homesteading office, his pioneering work of house construction with the introduction of the prefabrication method would have left its mark on German architectural history like those of famous architects such as Ernst May and Bruno Taut, if the work succeeded. Unfortunately, he was frustrated in these attempts partway, changed his mind, and resumed his discontinued undergraduate studies at the University of Erlangen. In the end, he completed a seminal geography dissertation dealing with the theoretical location of urban settlements.<br>With his knowledge from his undergraduate major in economics, Christaller sought to build a theory on how to distribute goods and services efficiently and equitably, which would result in bringing about social justice when the theory is applied in practice. Following the publication of his dissertation in 1933, he wrote two controversial papers on the issue of reorganizing German administrative areas which complemented the dissertation. Since sufficient time was unavailable for the already middle-aged Christaller, in the dissertation he fully expounded his ideas which he seems to have been developing in his mind for some years. For Christaller, this might imply an attempt to recover his youth lost on account of the setbacks he suffered in being involved with the problems of land and housing reform.
著者
植村 善博
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.2, pp.167-180, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)
参考文献数
38
被引用文献数
1

The Great Tohoku Earthquake of 2011 has posed questions for geographers concerning their awareness of and the contributions they can make to reducing damage in the future and to regional reconstruction in the wake of the gigantic devastation throughout the region caused by the earthquake disaster.There have been two periods of intense seismic activity in the western Pacific region. The first was during the period of the 1920’s to the 1930’s, and the other is from 1995 up to the present. Severe earthquake damage has occurred in Japan twice in 1925, in 1927, and in 1995; in Taiwan in 1935 and 1999; and in New Zealand in 1931 and 2011, all caused by inland earthquakes. The author has examined severe earthquake damage in the western Pacific Rim from a geomorphological viewpoint. Based on research of historical earthquake damage that occurred in the region, some important lessons were obtained and can be summarized as follows:1) Multi-scale analysis is essential for analyzing earthquake damage to buildings and its causes. Such analysis is also necessary for programs to mitigate damage that can be adapted to the appropriate scale.2) In order to mitigate direct damage by surface faulting we need to legislate land use controls in active fault zones. Additionally, an earthquake memorial museum should not only be for memorializing tragedy but also for education and as a tourist destination, and it needs to have content that is substantial.3) Governmental organizations for rehabilitation should be set up quickly after a disaster, and a comprehensive plan for reconstruction of a safer and more beautiful town must be presented as quickly as possible.4) It is necessary to move forward with research that grasps the entire process from the occurrence of an earthquake disaster up until reconstruction and includes an internationally comparative perspective.
著者
谷崎 友紀
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.2, pp.213-228, 2017

<p>本稿の目的は,京都を訪れた旅人の居住地や身分・職業などの属性によって,名所の選択に生じる差異とその要因を明らかにすることである。そこで,武蔵国からの旅人を,江戸居住者と江戸近郊居住者に分類した。そして,名所訪問を行った日数,訪れた名所や,両者のルートなどの比較を行った。その結果,以下の知見が得られた。まず,江戸居住者は近郊居住者よりも長い日数を名所見物に費やし,多くの名所を訪れていた。次に,両者では選択したルートに差異がみられた。ルートが定型化する近郊居住者とは異なり,江戸居住者の行動は多様であり,広範囲の名所を網羅的に訪れていた。そして,江戸居住者は近接した名所をすべて訪れる傾向がみられた。これは,彼らには「知識人」といえる性格を持つ者が含まれ,時間的に余裕があっただけではなく,名所に関する知識・教養を持っていたためである。</p>
著者
横川 末吉
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, no.4, pp.341-349, 1952
被引用文献数
1
著者
阿部 治平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.2, pp.139-154, 1983
被引用文献数
2

This paper outlines the conditions of farming and grazing on the Tibetan Plateau and describes recent trends.<br>1) The pasturage extends in a semicircular belt along the provincial border from Changtan, Kansu, Suchung, and Yunnan, with summer-grazing in North Changtan, which is the least fertile area.<br>The Golmud-Lhasa road divides the plateau from South Changtan to the Gandise and Nyanqentanglha Ranges into eastern and western sectors. To the east is a good grazing area of high mountain meadows which produce 0.9-1.025t/ha of hay. To the west is a dry plain only good for sheep grazing.<br>The agricultural belt of the Ngiali area (Yarlung Zangbo Valley, Nu River, Lancang River, Jinsha River and Xinin City) is on the Tibetan Plateau. It produces mainly highland barley, wheat (winter and spring), rape, peas, and also provides pasturage. The traditional system of land utilization is a five-year crop rotation of highland barley-highland barley and peas-peas-wheat or rape-fallow.<br>2) The agricultural administration of the Cultural Revolution period is characterized by the following three points:<br>a) Increase in the production of winter wheat by order of the administration.<br>b) Development of cultivation and excessive grazing for the purpose of increasing food production.<br>c) Increased poverty.<br>Item (c) is a result of (a) and (b). Winter wheat gives greater yield, but because of the long growing season (300-350 days) increased winter wheat cultivation resulted in the reduced production of highland barley and zhanpa (barley flour) which is the staple food of Tibetans. In the period of the Cultural Revolution food production had been put in the forefront, but poor harvests were experienced in spite of cultivating good land.<br>Until the fall of 1980, production levels of livestock were assessed officially by the total number of head at the end of the year, leading to over-stocking and an increased burden on the grazing lands in the fall and winter. In addition, much of the best grazing land was converted to crop land, and as a result the deaths of livestock increased. This policy ruined farming on the Tibetan Plateau, whose previous econmic foundations were fragile. In addition to that, the Cultural Revolution, which began in 1966, gave rise to a great number of political scandals at the same time that people lost econmic incentives in their agricultural labor.<br>3) After the Cultural Revolution, a new policy began in Qinghai Province in 1979 and in the Tibetan Autonmous Region in 1980. Various systems of production responsibility, including private management, were adopted during the following phase of production administration. The agricultural practices reverted, and much cultivated land was returned to grazing ground.
著者
長谷川 奨悟
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.19-40, 2012
被引用文献数
1

<p>This research examined two works compiled by Akizato Ritō (alt. Akisato Ritō), <i>Miyako meisho-zue</i> (An Illustrated Guide to Noted Places in the Capital) and <i>Settsu meisho-zue</i> (An Illustrated Guide to Noted Places in Settsu Province). The former was a guide to sites of interest primarily in Kyoto while the latter described sites of interest in Settsu Province and Osaka.</p><p>This research had two aims. The first was to clarify how Akizato Ritō perceived the places that he selected and symbolized as 'noted places.' The second was to clarify how Akizato viewed cities and how Kyoto and Osaka were represented in guides to sites in those cities.</p><p>Akizato perceived places and symbolized those places while keeping in mind the goal of depicting places and scenes in illustrations. Although he selected traditional, long-celebrated sites of interest, he also selected places and scenery of interest from a positivist perspective based on firsthand observations.</p><p>Akizato's view of cities was based on an identity and perspective as a Kyoto resident that developed at the end of the 18<sup>th</sup>century. Kyoto's image as the 'Emperor's Capital' was emphasized and the city was presented as a hallmark of tradition and sightseeing by illustrations depicting sites such as temples and shrines and manufacturing unique to Kyoto. Osaka's port and canals were often depicted in illustrations, and the city's image as Japan's first commercial city was emphasized. Osaka was presented as a city for popular entertainment in forms such as kabuki.</p>
著者
久島 桃代
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.107-125, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)
参考文献数
101
被引用文献数
1

This paper aims to review the discussion of physical and intellectual ‘disability’ within the discipline of geography in English-speaking countries such as the UK, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. This paper specifically focuses on how disability has been viewed by geographers in the UK. By doing so, I explore how these countries’ geographers have been active in examining socially- and spatially-produced causes of disability.Since the 1990s, with the upsurge of the ‘cultural turn’ and interest in the human body in cultural and social geography, geographers have become aware that the body is socially constructed and politicized. Consequently, medical geographers and social and cultural geographers have attempted to replace the medical model of disability with a social model which emphasizes social theory. Some have posited that how the body was disabled was contextual in time and space. For them, disability was understood not as a natural phenomenon, but as the result of or product of social and spatial construction. By problematizing the body through conceptualizing it in this way, geographers began to challenge the dichotomous dis/ability thinking.Furthermore, since the 2000s, physical and mental problems which had been overlooked among social science researchers have gained attention in both disability studies and geography. For example, by paying attention to a great variety of disabling processes, other body-related topics such as weight increase or aging have been researched. Also, disabilities which pose a challenge for research, such as intellectual disabilities or learning disabilities, have been researched with effective methods. The second characteristic of the disability research in this period both in disability studies and geography is that the materiality of the body and embodied acts of disabled people have come to the attention of researchers. As a result, in disability studies the fluidity and instability of a disabled identity have been demonstrated. In geography, with the rise of the ‘material turn’ in social and cultural geography, geographers have begun to examine the material body as well as its representation, meaning, and symbolism. In this paper the empirical studies which focus on women with chronic illnesses, ‘fat’ women, and those with autistic spectrum and anxiety disorders who communicate online, are examined.
著者
森川 洋
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.22-43, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)
参考文献数
27
被引用文献数
5

本稿は人口移動の分析によって日本の都市システムを考察し,その結果に基づいて,地方圏の活性化を目的とする連携中枢都市圏構想や定住自立圏構想の問題点について検討したものである。人口の最大(総および純)移動先からみると,日本では東京特別区,広域中心都市,県内中心都市(県庁都市),中小都市からなる階層構造がみられ,1980年に比べて大阪市の著しい衰退により,大阪市や名古屋市は広域中心都市に近づいているようにみえる。大都市圏内や都市密集地域では県内中心都市は階層的に特異な位置となる。隣接の広域中心都市間では緊密な人口移動があり,改良プレッド型構造がクリスタラー型階層構造の下に隠れた存在として認められる。こうした都市システムのなかで,周辺から人口を吸引して東京へ大量の人口を供給する「吸水ポンプの役割」を果たすのは広域中心都市や県内中心都市である。したがって,連携中枢都市圏の61の中心都市の振興は「人口のダム」形成には役立つだろうが,中小都市や農村的町村からの人口吸引を強めてその衰退を助長する可能性が高いので,中心性をもった中小都市の振興が望まれる。
著者
宮澤 仁
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.235-252, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)
参考文献数
39
被引用文献数
2

The rapid aging of the Japanese population is giving rise to concerns that it will cause the national economy to decline due to a rise in the social security burden, a view that could be expressed as “social security is a burden on economic growth.” On the other hand, the emergence of a giant “silver” market and the growth of the service industry in response to the large rise in the number of elderly persons are to be expected. In particular, it is hoped that new jobs will be created through the growth of labor―intensive social services, thereby alleviating unemployment. In this manner, the relationship between the burdening and the beneficial effects of social security has become a major issue in the rapidly aging Japanese society. This study aims to elucidate the relationship between social security and regional economies and examines the effect of social security on local revitalization by taking up the case of regional planning for health and welfare promotion in Nishiaizu Machi, Fukushima Prefecture, in the form of a program called “Regional Planning for Total Care.” This regional planning program was launched in the mid―1980s to stem the rise in medical expenses, with a particular focus on health promotion activities. While health promotion can go a long way toward reducing the need for nursing care, the emergence of significant numbers of elderly persons requiring nursing care is inevitable, and thus the socialization of nursing care is also being implemented as part of regional planning. The results of this study are summarized below.The regional planning program has produced considerable results in terms of improving social infrastructure, promoting job creation, and spurring consumption. The jobs created in organizations associated with this regional planning program represent 5.8% of total employment in Nishiaizu Machi, with social welfare corporations accounting for a significant share of newly―created jobs through their employment of large numbers of professional workers. These organizations and their employees have also created consumer demand in the local economy amounting to as much as 500 million Yen, which is equivalent to 9.4% of annual retail sales in Nishiaizu Machi. In addition to such economic effects, the regional planning program has contributed to the development of diversified human resources by winning the cooperation of academic experts and central government bureaucrats, by promoting the hiring of experienced health and social care workers by the government and affiliated organizations, and by fostering the development of many semi―experts among residents through training programs. Educational campaigns for health promotion are carried out for residents through the use of such specialized manpower. These activities are effective in terms of promoting more healthy eating habits, preventing diseases, and increasing the average life expectancy of residents, and, as a result, are helping stem the rise in medical expenses. These positive achievements in terms of health promotion have been highly commended by various Ministries and academic societies, and have been publicized throughout Japan through academic journals and magazines. Local residents also have a high regard for these health promotion activities and their appreciation has helped forge Nishiaizu Machi’s identity as “the town of health promotion.”These economic effects and the associated development of human resources have contributed to revitalizing the regional economy and community of Nishiaizu Machi, an underpopulated municipality situated in a peripheral area.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
中川 祐希
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.3, pp.373-394, 2017 (Released:2017-10-20)
参考文献数
42

本稿は,近代期における天皇の即位大礼を契機とした京都駅前の変容過程を,「景観形成」という分析視角から検討した。大正天皇の即位大礼(大正大礼)においては,京都駅前に恒久的な建造物は建設されなかった。大正大礼後には,商業的競争を通じて京都駅前に洋風建築が建設された。昭和天皇の即位大礼(昭和大礼)では,この洋風建築の建設が進展する一方で,これと対立する風致保全という景観認識が生まれた。こうして,駅前の景観をめぐる葛藤が顕在化した。昭和大礼後では,複数の主体がこの葛藤に対処する過程を通じて,駅前の景観が形成された。以上の過程から明らかになったのは次の2点である。第1に,国家儀礼を契機とした「観光都市京都」の形成過程は,調和的なものではなく,葛藤に満ちたものであった。この過程においては様々な利害が交錯し,様々な実践が空転した。第2に,このような葛藤を通じて「観光都市京都」の特異性が形成された点が明らかになった。諸主体は,この駅前の景観をめぐる葛藤に巻き込まれながら,駅前の景観形成を進展させた。その過程で,駅前には,京都という地域ゆえの特異性と評価できる景観が形成された。