著者

森谷 裕美子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.183-200, 2019-03-15

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狐は歌舞伎と浄瑠璃によく登場する動物である。近世演劇において、狐はどのように登場し、どのような役割を果たしているのであろうか。拙稿では元禄期(宝永期を含む)を中心として、狐の関わる作品を概観しその特徴を考察する。狐の登場する作品は、元禄期を通じて頻繁に舞台にかけられている。作品を概観すると狂言の「釣狐」系統の作品が多いことに気づく。「釣狐」は、観客にとっても馴染み深く、話の筋にもあまり影響をもたらさずに一場面に取り入れることができ、利用しやすかったのではないか。役者評判記の評文を見ると、狐は滑稽な場面によく登場している。所作、軽業で演じられることも特徴の一つである。そして、日本古来の狐ではない「殺生石」以外においては、悪い狐は少ない。歌舞伎役者、大和屋甚兵衛は、狐の演者として評価が高く、甚兵衛により、狐の演技の基盤が作られたと言えるかもしれない。一方、浄瑠璃作品においては、善狐が多いものの、滑稽な場面が少ない。「丹州千年狐」、「天鼓」においては、狐の親子の情愛が描かれ、それは人間の感情とは変わることがない。神の使いでもあり動物でもある狐は、聖俗の両面があり、観客はいろいろな狐の姿を楽しんだ。The Fox is an animal that often appears in Kabuki and Jōruri plays. How fox appears in the early modern theater and what kind of roles did he played?In this article, we stepped back and looked at the big picture of works performed in the Genroku period (including the Hōei period) in which fox appeared. The works in which fox appeared were frequently performed during the Genroku period. We noted that Tsuri-gitsune (one of the works of Kyōgen) have been adopted in many works. Tsuri-Gitsune would had been easy to use perhaps because the work could be incorporated into a scene without affecting the story and since the audiences back then were familiar with the work. According to a review in the Yakusha-hyoban-ki (Reputation notes of Kabuki actors), foxes are commonly appearing in ridiculous scenes. They are also characterized by poses and movements almost danced as well as acrobatics. The bad foxes are few, except Sessho-seki which is not an ancient Japanese fox. A kabuki actor, Yamatoya Jinbee had a high reputation as actor playing a fox. Jinbee might had laid the groundwork of the fox's acting.On the other hand, in Jōruri works, there are many good foxes, but there are less ridiculous scenes. In Tanshu-sennen-gitsune and Tenko, the affections of the fox parent and child are depicted which no difference from human sentiments.Since fox had double sides as a secular animal and as a holy creature, the audiences must had enjoyed the various appearances of the fox in those days.

著者

朴 賛基

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.35-50, 1991-03-01

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Delegations of Korean envoys, who made as many as twelve trips to Japan, offer us information about the relationship between Japan and Korea and about various events that took place over the span of the delegations. One of these incidents, the stabbing death of Che Chun Cheung, a member of the eleventh group of envoys who came to Japan in 1764, was made into a play, and indeed spawned a whole series of works collectively known under the name,"The Murder of the Foreigner. "Since the incident itself was so shocking and such a grave matter, the Bakufu's approach toward handling it appears to have been severe. Dramatizations of the event, taking account of the rigorous of the Bakufu, consequently underwent a transformation. In the dramatic texts we can read the attitude of the Japanese side, as well as the stance of the playwright, who assimilated this attitude. In addition to the changes in the kabuki dramatizations ,"The Murder of the Foreigner,"we can cite the diversity of records held to be true accounts and the Chronicle of Korean Delegations to Japan (1811) as manifestations of the harsh response of the Bakufu toward this incident. This harsh response is evidenced by the change in the name of the senior envoy, which was different in the description in Meiwa gankokan shinnen raihei ("The Visit of the Koreans in the First Year of Meiwa") from what it was in the other records. The difference in the subtle awareness between Korea and Japan vis a vis this incident gives us much to think about when considering the history of exchange between the two countries.

著者

小林 健二

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.59-92, 2011-03-18

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能《源氏供養》は『源氏供養草子』を典拠としていることが指摘されていたが、《源氏供養》は石山寺を供養の舞台とし、また供養の依頼者である紫式部が実は石山の観音であったという大きな相違を有する。本稿では、石山寺という紫式部伝承の磁場に注目し、紫式部が観音の化身であったとする言説や、源氏の間という特殊な宗教空間、崇拝の対象となったであろう紫式部画像、そして歌人達の紫式部を尊崇する文芸行為を通して、石山寺において源氏供養がなされていた可能性を追究し、《源氏供養》が制作された背景の一斑について考察した。Though it has been regarded that the Noh “Genji-kuyo” has its narrative source in “Genji-kuyo-soshi”, it also should be noted that the Noh differs from “Genji-kuyo-soshi” in two significant ways; one is that the site of Genji kuyo service is set at the Ishiyama-dera temple,and the second is that Murasaki Shikibu who requests the service is eventually found out to be Bodhisattva of Ishiyama. Focusing on Ishiyama-dera temple functioned as a sacred site of Murasaki Shikibu legend, this paper will point out, as a background of the Noh “Genji-kuyo production, the possibility that the Genji-kuyo service had actually been performed at Ishiyama-dera temple. I will examine the possibility by taking up the following points: the discourse which recognizes Murasaki Shikibu as an incarnation of Bodhisattva, the existence of Room of Genji in Ishiyama-dera temple as a particular ritual space, the pictorial imagery of Murasaki Shikibu which would have functioned as an object of worship, and the literary practices done by poetsthose who honor Murasaki Shikibu.

著者

潟沼 誠二

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.72-88, 1979-02-01

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Takamura Kōtaro, one of the most distinguished poets in the modern literary history in Japan, has been discussed from many points of view. It is a common approach for exploring the reality of the poet who took the initiative in singing “Ego and Self in Modernity of peculiar atomosphere in peculiar country“ through his personal experiences abroad, especially his encounters in London and Paris.Though several fruitful contributions to an understanding of this great poet have appeared in the last two or three decades, it is often impossible to discover any commentaries on his life in the United States.The aim of this paper is twofold: to indicate how Takamura Kōtaro lived in New York and indicate a more comprehensive view for touching the heart of his poems. At the same time, I focus on the relationship between a Jap art student Kōtaro and an American sculptor Gutzon Borglum in this study and try to broaden the horizons of the disputes over this poet.

著者

Key Margaret

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:ISSN0387)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.39-48, 2002-03-01

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Critics have frequently noted Abe Kôbô's technique of building a story around a single concrete object, such as a mask or a map, used metaphorically. What is often overlooked, however, is that in many of Abe's novels the object functions not merely as a concrete representation of a certain theme within the novel, but also as a meta-fictional representation of the text itself, in particular, of the relationship between the reader and the text. The central object in Hako otoko is a cardboard box with a peephole, whose formal characteristics give rise to the novel's central thematic of seeing and being seen and of concealing and revealing. At the meta-fictional level, the box is manifested as a three-dimensional puzzle box, or "Chinese box," reflecting the complex narrative structure of multiple, overlapping plots. By focusing on the figure of the box as puzzle or mystery, this paper will consider Hako otoko as an anti-detective novel: a novel that frustrates the reader's desire to solve the mystery of the text. I will discuss the mysteries hidden within the box at the textual and meta-fictional levels and their ultimate indeterminability.In Hako otoko the reader's desire is directed at uncovering the identity of the box man who writes, “Inside my box, I am writing a record of a box man.” As the narrative progresses, however, the reader realizes not only that the box man is a murderer, but also that he is writing the text that the reader is reading in order to conceal evidence of the murder. Consequently, the mystery of the man inside the box becomes, at the meta-fictional level, the mystery of the man outside the box, that is, the author of the text. By examining Abe's use of elements of detective fiction, such as the search for the solution to a mystery and the revelation of hidden truths, both within the narrative and in the interaction between the reader and the text, this paper will bring attention to the meta-fictional nature of Abe's literary project.

著者

澤井 一彰

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 アーカイブズ研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature, Archival Studies (ISSN:24363340)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.18, pp.3-20, 2022-03-18

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トルコ共和国は、日本と同様に地震多発国として知られる。その最大の都市であり、オスマン朝期(c.1300-1922年)には都として栄えたイスタンブルもまた、巨大なものだけでも1509年、1648年、1719年、1766年そして1894年と5度にわたって地震が発生し、そのたびに甚大な被害を受けてきた。 かつて、オスマン朝の宮廷が置かれていたイスタンブルのトプカプ宮殿に付属する文書館には、ひとつの史料が伝世している。D.9567の分類番号をもつ同史料は、ある巨大地震の後に、被災した多くの建築物を修復、再建するために行われた調査の記録である。 近年、公刊されたイスタンブルの災害史料集において、このD.9567はスレイマン1世時代(1520-1566年)の文書として紹介された。しかしD.9567には、スレイマン1世期以降に建設された複数の建物の罹災記録が残されており、また先行研究では、1648年の大地震による史料とする主張と、1766年の大地震によるものとする見解とが対立している。 本稿は、D.9567の全文を翻訳して紹介するとともに、それが作成された経緯について、先行研究で示されてきた史料的根拠を再検証する。さらに、別系統の史料も用いながら、D.9567が上記のいずれでもない、1719年の大地震によって作成されたものである可能性がきわめて高い、という新たな仮説を提示するものである。 The Republic of Turkey is known as a country where earthquakes occur frequently like Japan.Istanbul, its largest city and prospered as a capital during the Ottoman period (c.1300-1922), was also hit bymany earthquakes and suffered great damage each time. There were five earthquakes in 1509, 1648, 1719,1766 and 1894, even if counting only the huge ones.One historical document is held in the archive attached to the Topkapi Palace in Istanbul, wherethe Ottoman court was once located. This document, with the classification number D.9567, is a recordof investigations conducted to restore and reconstruct many buildings damaged by a major historicalearthquake.Recently, D.9567 was introduced as a document of the Suleyman the Magnificent era (1520-1566) inthe published archives of historical disasters in Istanbul. However, D.9567 contains a record of the damage tobuildings built after his reign. Also, in previous studies, the claim that D.9567 was a historical source of the1648 earthquake and the view that it was due to the 1766 earthquake are at odds with each other.This paper translates the full text of D.9567 and reexamines the historical grounds shown in previousstudies as to how this document was created. In addition, this paper also presents a new hypothesis thatD.9567 is likely to have been created by the 1719 earthquake, which is neither of the above, using othersources.

著者

山崎 誠

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.1-24, 2008-02-28

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願文は神仏に宛てられた文書であり、妄語を恐れる心性から、その内容は世俗化した現代とは異なり信憑性が高いといえよう。この点に注目してみると、解決済みとされたり、見過ごされた問題について、願文はなお有力な証拠を提供していると見做なされる。その例証を大江匡房の家族関係について試みる。The people devoted "Ganmon" documents to Buddha, Devas and the deceased in customs of other days. When they describe for themselves, awed to offend the commandment against lying, therefore the description must be hightly reliable. "Ganmon" which composed by Oe no Masafusa could vouch for illuminating the unsettled issues on his family.

著者

高野瀬 惠子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.51-79, 2008-02

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院政期に複数存し、同一か別人かなど区別の難しい女房歌人の堀河について、検討した。必ずしも明快な結論ではないが、先行研究を踏まえつつ、資料を再整理して、概ね次のような結論に至った。①『袋草紙』雑談の堀河殿(「郁芳門院根合」の堀河殿)は、郁芳門院媞子内親王に仕えた女房であり、大宮右大臣俊家女である。彼女は『郁芳門院安芸集』『康資王母集』『行宗集』『江帥集』に登場する「ほりかは」「堀河殿」とも同一人物と考えられる。②源顕仲女の堀河は、初め前齋院の禎子内親王に仕え、前齋院六条の名で『金葉集』に歌を採られたが、禎子内親王が出家した後に待賢門院璋子の許へ再出仕したものと推察され、待賢門院堀河の名で活躍した。③『金葉集』に摂政家堀河として歌を残した堀河は、忠通家女房で、大治元年八月の「忠通家歌合」に連なり、また源顕仲が大治三年八月に西宮で催した歌合にも参加したと思われる。この堀河は待賢門院堀河とは別人と考えるのが妥当であろう。以上の他に、④資料は少ないが二条太皇太后宮堀河と呼ばれた女房がいたものと思われ、『林下集』の歌によれば、令子内親王にその齋院時代から仕えた女房であった可能性もある。⑤嘉応元年十月の「散位敦頼住吉社歌合」に名を残す前太政大臣家堀河ついては不明な点が多く、摂政家堀河がその頃まで生存した場合は同一人物の可能性があろう。It is difficult to say a court lady poet named Horikawa is the same as the other one named Horikawa because there were some Horikawas in Insei Period. On the basis of the studies so far, by examining material I've come to the following conclusion.1 Horikawa dono in Fukuronsoushi was a daughter of FUJIWARA no Toshiie and served Imperial princess Teishi (Ikuhoumonnin). She will probably be the same Horikawa in Ikuhonmonnin Aki shu, Yasusukeou no Haha shu, Yukimune shu, and Gounosochi shu.2 Horikawa, who is a daughter of MINAMOTO no Akinaka, firstly served Imperial princess Teishi of Saiin (an imperial princess working at Kamo Shirine). Her poems appeared in Kinyouwaka shu under the name of Sakinosaiin Roukujo. After lmperial princess Teshi became a priest, she served FUJIWARA no Tamako (Taikenmonnin) and had a very lively time under the name of Taikenmonnin Horikawa.3 Sesshouke Horikawa in Kinyouwaka shu was a court lady who served FUJIWARA no Tadamichi. She seems to have taken part in Tadamichike Uta-awase and Nishinomiya Uta-awase.4 Nijoutaikoutaikouguu Horikawa in Rinka shu may be a court lady who served lmperial princess Reishi.5 Sakinodajoudaijinke Horikawa in Atsuyoshi : Sumiyoshisha : Uta-awse hasn't been identified. She can be the same person as Sesshouke Horikawa.

著者

森谷 裕美子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要. 文学研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. 人間文化研究機構国文学研究資料館 編 (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.183-200, 2019-03

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狐は歌舞伎と浄瑠璃によく登場する動物である。近世演劇において、狐はどのように登場し、どのような役割を果たしているのであろうか。拙稿では元禄期(宝永期を含む)を中心として、狐の関わる作品を概観しその特徴を考察する。狐の登場する作品は、元禄期を通じて頻繁に舞台にかけられている。作品を概観すると狂言の「釣狐」系統の作品が多いことに気づく。「釣狐」は、観客にとっても馴染み深く、話の筋にもあまり影響をもたらさずに一場面に取り入れることができ、利用しやすかったのではないか。役者評判記の評文を見ると、狐は滑稽な場面によく登場している。所作、軽業で演じられることも特徴の一つである。そして、日本古来の狐ではない「殺生石」以外においては、悪い狐は少ない。歌舞伎役者、大和屋甚兵衛は、狐の演者として評価が高く、甚兵衛により、狐の演技の基盤が作られたと言えるかもしれない。一方、浄瑠璃作品においては、善狐が多いものの、滑稽な場面が少ない。「丹州千年狐」、「天鼓」においては、狐の親子の情愛が描かれ、それは人間の感情とは変わることがない。神の使いでもあり動物でもある狐は、聖俗の両面があり、観客はいろいろな狐の姿を楽しんだ。The Fox is an animal that often appears in Kabuki and Jōruri plays. How fox appears in the early modern theater and what kind of roles did he played?In this article, we stepped back and looked at the big picture of works performed in the Genroku period (including the Hōei period) in which fox appeared. The works in which fox appeared were frequently performed during the Genroku period. We noted that Tsuri-gitsune (one of the works of Kyōgen) have been adopted in many works. Tsuri-Gitsune would had been easy to use perhaps because the work could be incorporated into a scene without affecting the story and since the audiences back then were familiar with the work. According to a review in the Yakusha-hyoban-ki (Reputation notes of Kabuki actors), foxes are commonly appearing in ridiculous scenes. They are also characterized by poses and movements almost danced as well as acrobatics. The bad foxes are few, except Sessho-seki which is not an ancient Japanese fox. A kabuki actor, Yamatoya Jinbee had a high reputation as actor playing a fox. Jinbee might had laid the groundwork of the fox's acting.On the other hand, in Jōruri works, there are many good foxes, but there are less ridiculous scenes. In Tanshu-sennen-gitsune and Tenko, the affections of the fox parent and child are depicted which no difference from human sentiments.Since fox had double sides as a secular animal and as a holy creature, the audiences must had enjoyed the various appearances of the fox in those days.

著者

Schalow Paul

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.13-24, 1990-03-01

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Scholars of Edo Period literature generally evaluate mid seventeenth- century kana-zôshi ("books written in kana") as representing a necessary developmental phase towards the more literarily sophisticated ukiyo-zôshi ("books of the floating world ") that appeared later in the century, but the exact nature of that developmental process has not yet been studied in much detail. This paper discusses several important kana-zôshi that treat the topic of nanshoku (male love) to show that they indeed established a way of describing male love that exerted a major influence on subsequent writings.Kana-zôshi writers gathered and incorporated a substantial amount of information about nanshoku into their history of male love, including references to Chinese emperors, to Buddhist legends, and to Japanese homoerotic literature. Two particularly influential components were the story of the Chinese poet Su Shih (Tong-p 'o), who woud and won a handsome boy at "wind and water cave," and the legend that attributed Kûkai with the introduction of male love to Japan from China in the ninth century. These stories and others were reported and embellished by kana-zôshi writers in their task of devising a history of male love.The literary process whereby kana-zôshi writers established a commonly accepted discourse for nanshoku represented a complex group effort, and the impact of that effort on ukiyo-zôshi is discussed with regard to two of Ihara Saikaku's works, Kôshokuichidai otoko and Nanshoku ôkagami. The paper concludes by suggesting that the importance of kana-zôshi's influence on ukiyozôshi and subsequent literature deserves greater recognition.

著者

浅田 徹

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.47-93, 2001-03-29

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藤原定家の下官集について、その内容を検討する。本書は草子の書き方を中心とした伝書で、文学の内容そのものとは直接関わらないため、和歌研究者からのまとまった考察がない。しかしその記述を考証していくことで、顕註密勘・三代集之間事・僻案抄といった歌学書群、あるいは定家本三代集の校訂作業などと同じ基盤を有していることを指摘できるのではないかと考える。従来の研究(国語学の分野からのもの)は仮名遣い規定に集中し、それ以外の部分は詳しい注釈も行われずにきているので、本稿ではまず全文を改めて検討することから始める。同時にそこに一貫する定家の姿勢を「他者と自分との差異を提示して、それを一つずつ根拠付けていく」ものと捉え、最終的にそれを歌道家当主としての自己定位の営みを象徴するものとして読むことを試みる。また、他者としての六条家の存在はここでも作品形成の一つの契機となっていただろう事を示す。 This is consideration of contents regarding Gekanshu by Fujiwarano Teika . This is a book called densho(伝書)mainly about how to write Soshi. There is no definite consideration of waka researchers, because it did not associate directly with the very contents of literature. However to study its description, it seems that it is possible to point out that it has the same substrate as “Kagaku-sho” group such as “Kenchumikkan”(顕註密勘), ”Sandaishu-no-aida-no-koto”(三代集之間事), “Hekian-sho”(僻案抄) or the textual collation of Teikabon-sandai-shu. At first the whole sentence was reviewed in this paper because the conventional study ( from field of the Japanese literature) concentrate Japanese grammar and others had not be written an extended comment. At the same time, it was considered that the consistent attitude of Teika as -Show a difference with others and oneself and based on it one by one-. An attempt was made to read it symbolizing his position as the head of the art of Waka poetry in the end. Then it was shown that the existence of Rokujo-ke as others would be one opportunity of the work formation here.

著者

種村 威史

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802249)

巻号頁・発行日

no.06, pp.101-114, 2010-03-26

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本稿では、元禄7年(1696)に、綱吉政権が発令した法令(以下元禄7年令)に注目・検討し、領知宛行制史に定置することを目的とするものである。元禄7年令とは、「判物之格」であっても、代替り朱印改以外で発給する宛行状は全て朱印状で発給すると規定したものである。では、なぜ、朱印状で発給するのかという本質的な理由や発令の歴史的背景、さらには大名家への影響については、現在の研究段階では明らかとなってはいない。この問題の検討は、領知宛行制の研究には不可欠であろう。徳川将軍権威の追究にも繋がると考えられる。本稿の検討の結果、元禄7年令の含意とは、幕府は領知判物を代替り朱印改めの時に限定発給するとしたこと、元禄7年令発令の背景には、領知宛行状の大量発給が予想される中で、領知判物の権威を維持するためのものであったこと、従来、判物と考えられてきた、宝永6年8月5日付の間部詮房宛領知宛行状の本来は朱印状であったことから見ても、元禄7年令の主旨は徳川政権下において一貫したものであったこと。さらに、元禄7年令は、例えば大名家の文書管理などを規定し続けていたことから明らかなように、後年に至っても、大名家に影響を及ぼしたこと。以上を明らかにした。On this report, I pay attention to and examine the law sand ordinances which Tsunayoshi Administration announced in 7th year of Genroku era, and I’ll put it in territory allotment system.The ordinance in 7th year of Genroku era was the one which prescribed that all the form of allotments, including "Paraph Status", but except the ones issued in succession, should be issued in the form of "Syuinjou", a red-seal letter. But the current studies don't clarify the essential reason and the historical background of issuing in red-seal letter and more the influence on Daimyos, feudal lords. The examination of this problem is in dispensable for a study of the territory allotment system, and it can be thought that it leads to investigation of the General Tokugawa authority at the same time.As a result of examination of this report, I clarified the following; that the connotation of the ordinance in 7th year of Genroku era was that the Shogunate administration decided to issue time-limited territory sealed document in checking such session. That there was an intention in announcement of this ordinance, to maintain the authority of territory sealed document against the expectation that many forms or allotments would be issued. That the gist of this ordinance was consistent nature through the Tokugawa administration, thinking the fact that the form of territory allotment to Manabe Akihusa dated August 5th, 6th year of Houei era, which had been regarded as a sealed document, was in nature a red seal letter. And more than this ordinance had been influenced on feudal lords also in later years, because, for example, this ordinance had continued to regulate the document management of feudal lords.

著者

Krzysztof Olszewski

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.35-43, 2003-03-01

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In this paper I would like to explain―taking a history of the early Heian period as a background the process of creation of national (i.e. Japanese) culture by the aristocracy who―since the An Lu-Shan's Rebellion―could observe from the Japanese Archipelago the first symptoms of the decline of the Tang dynasty in China.The Japanese of the Heian period, who―from the Chinese perspective―“lived at the frontiers of culture” (see: Umehara Takeshi, 2001) while being almost perfectly bilingual, did not deny Chinese culture, but on the other hand, they adapted from it the best and the most suitable aspects for their artistic images. I would like to show that process of aesthetical adaptation on the basis of an analysis of the part of “The Tosa Diary”, which is called to be a representative literary work in the Japanese literature of the 10th century. At present, most scholars agree that Ki no Tsurayuki was conscious of being avant-garde in the creation of national culture since the very moment he wrote Kanajo (The Japanese preface for the Kokinshu anthology) and since he attended the first poetry contests. But there are still different opinions concerning the appreciation of “The Tosa Diary” and determining its literary genre. I think that the so often mentioned eclecticism of the work was not Ki no Tsurayuki's isamiashi, i.e. literary failure (see: Hagitani Boku, 2000). In this paper I would like to prove that “The Tosa Diary” is a completed and intentionally written literary work (with the most important goal to discuss with the Chinese culture of the Tang dynasty), and its eclecticism was rather a result of groping for new expressions and a new literary genre in the process of creation of national culture.A famous French philosopher, Michel Foucault, wrote that relics of an ancient culture never are a message for the posterity and they can be understood only within the frames of the culture which had created them. So I think that we should stop using literary terminology, based on the Aristotle's “Poetics”, but we should describe the Heian literature using unique signs and aesthetical categories of that culture. Therefore, choosing “the sense of evanescence of the world” (mujôkan) as the most specific idea for the early Heian art and literature, I would like to explain one more enigma of “The Tosa Diary” and propose a new interpretation of the text.

著者

落合 博志 陳 捷 小川 剛生 岡 雅彦 堀川 貴司 住吉 朋彦 岡 雅彦 藤本 幸夫 堀川 貴司 陳 捷 和田 恭幸 住吉 朋彦 小川 剛生 岡崎 久司 村木 敬子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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本研究では、中世日本の刊本、特に五山版(主に禅宗の寺院で出版された本)を対象として、日本国内及び海外に存在する原本を調査して書誌データを採取し、それに基づいて五山版序跋・刊記集成、中世出版年表、五山版所在目録を作成するとともに、五山版の持つ様々な問題について考察した。具体的には、各伝本の版本としての位置付けと資料的価値、同時代における五山版の受容、五山版と中国・朝鮮刊本との関係等であり、これらを通して、五山版の日本の出版史における意義や、文化の発展に及ぼした役割などについて、多くの新しい知見を得た。

著者

安藤 正人

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature Archival Studies (ISSN:03869377)

巻号頁・発行日

no.01, pp.51-61, 2005-03-28

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本稿は、20世紀の戦争や植民地支配がアーカイブズに及ぼした影響についての研究の一環として、第二次世界大戦期に在外公館文書の押収等をめぐり日英両国の間に繰り広げられた確執の問題をとりあげるものである。ただし、日本側の史料については、まだほとんど見ていないので、今回はもっぱらイギリス側史料の紹介を中心とし、詳しい分析は次の機会に譲りたい。まず「はじめに」で、外交施設や外交官の記録文書をめぐる国際法について概観したあと、第一章「開戦前におけるイギリスの在外公館文書保護策」では、第二次世界大戦前、イギリス外務省が在外公館に発した指示や規程類のうち、記録文書の保存・廃棄等に触れている主要な指示や規程類を紹介する。開戦時の中心的な規程は、1939年7月31日付外務省回章「戦争指令」である。続いて、開戦前のヨーロッパならびにアジアのイギリス在外公館の状況を、各在外公館との往復文書などから明らかにする。第二章「開戦後における在外公館文書の捜索・押収をめぐる日英の確執」では、日本によるイギリス在外公館文書の捜索・押収の事実と、それをめぐって日英間に繰り広げられた確執に関する史料を中心に紹介する。事例として、在東京イギリス大使館をはじめとする日本国内ならびに日本植民地のイギリス在外公館、ついで上海などの日本軍事占領地、最後に非占領地としてバンコクのイギリス在外公館の状況をそれぞれみる(以上『史料館研究紀要』35号に掲載)。イギリスによる日本在外公館文書の捜索・押収については史料が乏しいが、ロンドン、シンガポール、インド、ベルリンなどの状況について若干の史料紹介を行う(本号)。The present essay deals with the discord issues between Japan and Britain concerning capturing or looting diplomatic and consular archives in the World War II period. Because of the short age of time for consulting Japanese sources, the present essay only introduces British sources avoiding detailed analysis accordingly. After referring the international law regarding the immunity of diplomatic and consular archives briefly, the author introduces some important instructions to the British diplomatic and consular posts a broad issued by the British Foreign Office before the World War II concerning the protection of diplomatic and consular archives at the event of armed conflicts. Then, the conditions of archives at some British diplomatic and consular posts in Europe and Asia before the outbreak of war are revealed by the Foreign Office records such as correspondences. The following chapter is devoted to introduce British sources regarding the looting of British diplomatic and consular archives by the Japanese in the main lands, colonies and occupied territories of Japan, after the outbreak of war. In the last part of the essay, the issue of capturing Japanese diplomatic and consular archives by the British authorities in such places as London, Singapore, India and Berlin, is dealt with.

著者

キャンベル ロバート

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.152-165, 1995-10-01

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Around noontime on the third day of the Eleventh Month, 1823, Kano Gunbei, a vassal to the lord of Aizu and student in residence at the Bakufu's Shôheizaka Academy in Edo, ascended alone to the second floor of his dormitory where he cut down in cold blood one fellow student and severely wounded two others before being overcome and then arrested by peers. His first victim, Nishimura Yūzō, was a young samurai from Isahaya, Hizen Province, and known in the Eastern Capital as a poet of some skill. At the time of his murder Nishimura was salaried as the literary tutor in the Academy's two dormitories for provincial students in Yushima. According to Bakufu records of the court trial held in the next year, Kano felt slighted by his colleagues, and blamed the salaried tutorial staff for not preventing his harassment: a loss of face had led him to the dreadful act. The man responsible for subduing Kano was one Kurotaki Tōta, a Tsugaru vassal, and in 1823 student chief of the dormitory itself. Kurotaki, along with two other students, knew in fact of Kano's frustrations before the crime, and for this reason all three were held partly responsible by magistrates at the court. Two others were punished; Kurotaki got off due to his bravery at the scene of the crime. Kano had died "of illness" shortly after being thrown into jail. One of Kurotaki's underclassman, a new face at the Academy just arrived from Saiki domain named Nakashima Masuta, was named literary tutor immediately after Nishimura's death. According to Nakashima's own writings and to letters from friends in Kyushu, his sudden promotion was due more to verve in helping to quell the murderer that fatal day than to any single literary merit.Nakashima Masuta was, however, perhaps the most talented poet and prose stylist of his class at the Academy. According to some, he held promise to surpass even Rai San'yo, the most highly regarded kanshi poet of the Bunsei age. Masuta, who wrote under the penname Shigyoku or Beika, left Shōheizaka Academy in 1825, to return to service in his native province. He died in Saiki in 1834, at the age of thirty-four. At his appointment to the prestigious literary tutorship in 1823 he was a mere twenty-three, and it was precisely from this point that he gained nationwide recognition for a lyric style often sensual, sometimes macabre in the style of Li-he.This paper outlines the events leading to Nakashima's promotion, and aims in a larger sense to delineate the literary milieu of the Bakufu's Academy in the 1820's.

著者

渡辺 守邦

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = The Bulletin of The National Institute of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.63-123, 1988-03-30

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泉州信田の葛の葉狐の子が、母と生き別れて、天文博士に出世する安倍の童子の物語は、源を『簠簋抄』に発する。この話は、むしろ浄瑠璃、歌舞伎に入って以降おもしろみを倍増するのであるが、本稿は、反対に、この話を育んだ、暦数書の仮名注の世界を俳徊してみようとするものである。本題に入る前に、断っておかなければならないことがある。それは書名の読み。「簠簋」と書いて、〈ホキ〉と読む。『論語』公冶長篇に「瑚璉」の語があって、朱子の注に、宗廟に供える黍稷を盛る器、夏に〈瑚〉、商に〈璉〉、周に〈簠簋〉と称した、とする。本来は祭器である。が、貴重品を運んだり、納めておく器具とも考えられたらしく、次のような言い伝えもある。すなわち、釈迦如来像が百済から海を渡って本朝に運ばれたとき、簠簋に入れられて来た、それゆえ、釈迦をホトケと呼ぶ、ホトケはホキの転である―と。『法華経直談鈔』に載る名義譚。早くも話が中世説話の世界に入ってしまったようだ。 A story of Abe no doji who is a child of Kuzunoha (a name of white fox in legend) in Shinoda of Senshu, succeeded as a master of astrology after separating from mother came from “Hokisho”(簠簋抄). This story rather became twice as much as interesting after being taken up as a theme of Joruri and Kabuki, this article tries to wonder around the world of the kanchu (written in kana) of the Rekisusho (the number of years book) that created this story. Before getting to the main point, it is enough for me to say about the reading of the title of a book. “簠簋”is pronounced as “Hoki”. There is a word “Koren”(瑚璉)in “The Analects of Confucius” edited by Koyacho, and it was explained: a container to pile millet to offer in the ancestral mausoleum, “Ko” for Hsia, “Ren” for Shang, “Hoki” for Zhou in a note of Shushi. It is originally ceremonial implement. However it seemed to be thought as an appliance which carry and put the valuables, there is the following legend, that is to say, when statue of Shaka Nyorai was put in “Hoki” and carried to our country across the sea from Kudara,that is why we refer to “Shaka” as “Hotoke”. “Hotoke” is derivative of “Hoki”. This is a “Myogitan” (名義譚)appears in “Hokkekyojikidansho” (法華経直談鈔). The story seems to have already entered the world of the narration in the Middle Ages.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 文学研究篇 = The Bulletin of The National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:18802230)

巻号頁・発行日

no.46, pp.203-301, 2020-03-16

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フランスの自然文学者で美術批評家のエドモン・ド・ゴンクールの『北斎』は、前人未踏の研究成果である。本書は、北斎を、優れたデッサン画家として捉え、十八世紀のフランスに輩出した画家たちの延長上に位置づけ、その絵本、版画、摺り物、肉筆に渉る全作品を網羅的に叙述したものである。近時、本書は、木々康子、鈴木重三、小山ブリジットらの研究によって、パリの骨董商で、ジャポニズムの火付け役を演じた林忠正とS・ビングとの協力、確執といった側面から論及することによって、研究の進展が図られてきた。本稿では、ブラックモンやゴンクールらがいかに北斎に辿り着き、その研究を達成させたかの追求を試みると同時に、ゴンスやデュレなどのジャポニザン、フェノロサ、ラファージらの米国の美術批評家との北斎評価をめぐる対立を振り返ることで、北斎を見出したのが、グラビア美術作家らの愛好と探求心の賜物であることを明らかにした。また、ゴンクールの他の著述で注目すべきこととして、『ある芸術家の家』上下巻の北斎に関する記述を論じた。そこで、ゴンクールは、英国のディキンズによる、北斎の略伝と『北斎漫画』初編を初めとする序文の翻訳の敷き写しを試みているが、『北斎』では、ディキンズの影は払拭され、序文の翻訳は、林との協同作業であることが強調されている。その矛盾点の解明を試み、北斎研究に対するゴンクールの功名心のなせるわざという結論に達した。

著者

高橋 則子

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国文学研究資料館紀要 = National Institure of Japanese Literature (ISSN:03873447)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.277-293, 2005-02-28

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国文学研究資料館蔵黒本『〔四天王〕』は、『補訂版国書総目録』・『古典籍総合目録』・国文学研究資料館「マイクロ資料・和古書目録データベース」に未載である。これは、宝暦六年(一七五六)刊黒本『頼光 金臣 本未記』ではないかと思われ、現在のところ他での所蔵を見ない。本書の内容は、源頼光の四天王の一代記であり、『前太平記』から直接取材したものと思われる。It is impossible to find the kurohon called Shitennô owned by N.I.J.L in Kokushosômokuroku, Kotensekisôgômokuroku and in the Database of Microfilm and classical books of N.I.J.L. I thought that this book corresponds to the kurohon called Ichidaiki published in 1756 that cannot be found in any other place. The content of this book is the biographies of Minamoto Raikô’s Shitennô, directry taken from Zentaiheiki.

著者

鈴木 淳

出版者

国文学研究資料館

雑誌

国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.85-103, 2001-03-01

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Takao-dayû, the original work of ukiyo-e in Freer Gallery of Art, is a picture of Takao-dayû drawn by Okumura Masanobu with a comment written by Hanaogi, the famous yûjo of Ôgiya in Yoshiwara imitating the Sawada Tôkô-style calligraphy. The content of the comments is a love letter including a hokku “Kimi ha ima komagata atari hototogisu” that is said Manji Takao, or Takao-dayû the Second of Miuraya sent to Date Tsunamune of the Sendai Clan. This letter was probably made up based on the legend of the love affair between them described in the documentary-like novel Sendai Hagi. Whether the story is true or not, the romantic atmosphere of Yoshiwara is promoted by the comments reminding readers Takao and Hanaôgi, and behind the comment of Hanaôgi, you can sense the attempt by Ôgiya Uemon or Bokuga, who was the employer of Hanôgi, to make her more famous together with Takigawa, who was also a famous yûjo, in the Tenmei period.