著者

小川 竜欣

巻号頁・発行日

2023-03

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Supervisor: 池田 心

著者

高島 正人

出版者

立正大学文学部

雑誌

立正大学文学部論叢 (ISSN:0485215X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.60, pp.27-54, 1978-02-01

著者

劉 楊

出版者

北海道大学情報法政策学研究センター

雑誌

知的財産法政策学研究 (ISSN:18802982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.263-301, 2022-12

著者

吉岡 潤

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.67-93, 2001

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After World War II Poland experienced a drastic change in the ethno-national composition of the state as a result of the exclusion of national minorities following the shift of her frontiers. The new Polish-Soviet frontier follows quite closely the so-called Curzon line that was considered as the ethnographical borderline between Poles and Ukrainians. In consequence of this shift of frontiers most Ukrainians, the largest national minority in prewar Poland, found themselves on the territory of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, or Soviet Ukraine, while it is estimated that there remained as many as 700,000 Ukrainians on the Polish side. By the summer of 1947, these Ukrainians had been excluded from Polish society. The purpose of this article is to examine how the Ukrainian minority problem was settled in postwar Poland and to demonstrate the decisive role played by the Communists in this settlement. At first, resettlements of Ukrainians were carried out on the authority of an agreement on the exchange of populations concluded by the Polish Committee of National Liberation, or the Lublin Committee, with Soviet Ukraine on September 9, 1944. It was stated in the agreement that Poles and Jews who had been citizens of Poland before September 17, 1939 and were living in Soviet Ukraine could be evacuated to Poland. Correspondingly, Ukrainians living in postwar Poland could choose Soviet citizenship and move into Soviet Ukraine. Moreover, according to the agreement, the transfers were to be voluntary. In the course of the implementation of the agreement, however, the Polish authorities, the core of which consisted of Communists, set about to deport Ukrainians, abandoning the principle of free will. When the deportations were completed in the summer of 1946, a total of 482,000 Ukrainians, many of these forcibly, had left their homeland and had been deported to Soviet Ukraine. The second and "final" act of the solution of the "Ukrainian problem" in Poland was Operation "Vistula" executed by the Polish Army with Communist political support. The aim of this operation was to resettle the whole of the remaining Ukrainians including mixed marriage families in ex-German territories allotted to Poland, or the Recovered Territories, where they were planned to be dispersed so as not to form their own community. They were expected to assimilate quickly into Polish society there. Operation "Vistula" began on April 28, 1947 under the pretext that the whole Ukrainian population was collectively responsible for the assassination of the Vice-Minister of Defense by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or the UPA. By the end of July, Operation "Vistula" resettled about 140,000 Ukrainians. In this way the "Ukrainian problem" in postwar Poland was solved by force. Such thorough exclusion of Ukrainians to the extent it could be called "ethnic cleansing" can be explained by a historical factor, that is, the long-standing antagonism between the two nations. It was above all World War II which sharpened national consciousness among these ruled nations and aggravated this antagonism. Memories of the bloody conflict in Volhynia that had entangled Polish and Ukrainian civilians as well as combatants made it difficult to live together in one state. But it is important to bear in mind that the Communists were the executors of the exclusion policy. The Communists, who had seized power lacking the support from the masses, came to call themselves the defenders of Polish national interests, propagandizing the danger of "German revanchism," "Ukrainian anti-Polish armed bandits," etc. For them the settlement of national conflicts in favor of the Polish nation was one of the most effective means to legitimize their power. In the process of the establishment of their rule, they revealed an orientation to a homogeneous Polish nation-state. In this sense, Ukrainians were sort of a scapegoat. Furthermore, it can be assumed that the Communists saw signs of opposition from the Ukrainians. In spite of pressure from the Polish authorities they wished to remain in Poland while clinging to their own national identity. They demanded equal rights, national freedom and even the right to set up a Ukrainian political party during negotiations with Polish authorities on July 24, 1945. These demands seemed to have been excessive to the Communists, who were then on the way to hegemony and were building a quasi-plural party system which they would control as they pleased. The exclusion of Ukrainians was also a manifestation of the Communists' totalitarian character that would not permit the existence of opponents. And Ukrainians were one of a great many opponents at which the Communists struck a finishing blow. When the "Ukrainian problem" in postwar Poland is taken into consideration, particular attention must be given to the above-mentioned factors which were intertwined with each other. To ignore any of them would mean to miss the point of the whole structure of the problem.

著者

齊藤 正彰

出版者

北海道大学大学院法学研究科

雑誌

北大法学論集 (ISSN:03855953)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.6, pp.267-292, 2020-03-31

著者

Mueller Charles Nagashima Miori

出版者

SAGE Publications

雑誌

Social Compass (ISSN:00377686)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.2, pp.263-282, 2023-05-06

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Factors that currently lead Japanese men to enter and remain in the Buddhist priesthood are poorly understood. This article reports the results of a qualitative study that examines the profiles of a seminary instructor and six Shingon Buddhist priests ((sic)(sic)) at Koyasan guesthouse temples ((sic)). The data, collected from semi-structured interviews, were analyzed with ATLAS.ti using a thematic analysis approach. The study identified seven key themes related to (1) family, (2) mentoring relationships, (3) education, (4) labor, (5) spiritual practices, (6) religious doctrines and faith, and (7) the devotion of guests. For the six priests, family connections were found to play an especially critical role in initial decisions to enter the priesthood, whereas other factors chiefly contributed to sustained commitment. The results are discussed in terms of theories of 'costly signalling', ego-identity statuses, and the Japanese tendency to construct personal identity within the context of social affiliations.

著者

鈴木 智之

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.1-80, 2003-12

著者

杉橋 やよい

出版者

法政大学経済学部学会

雑誌

経済志林 = 経済志林 (ISSN:00229741)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.4, pp.53-79, 2009-03-09

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The purpose of this article is to examine both a virtue and inherent limitations in the Blinder-Oaxaca Decomposition Technique, the most popular econometric method for analysing gender wage differentials. The technique is used to decompose the gender wage gap into two parts: the gender differences in endowment and the differential remuneration of that endowment. The second part is assumed to reflect 'discrimination'. The method has a virtue in quantifying the differences in characteristics and 'discrimination' within the gender pay gap. However, there are some critical limitations that are inherent in the method. (1) The extent of the gender differences and the extent of 'discrimination' depend on variables included in the wage equations.(2) The technique ignores discrimination within or outside the labour market, or women's reaction to discrimination in the workplace, thereby decomposing the gender pay gap into two parts. In other words, the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition method implicitly assumes that wage gaps arising from differences in endowment are separate from those arising from labour market discrimination. The inclusion of variables that reflect labour market discrimination, such as occupational segregation, increases the estimated effect of 'gender difference in endowment' and decreases the estimated effect of 'discrimination'.(3) The explanatory variables are not independent, which causes some degree of multicollinearity.(4) Breaking down the gender pay gap by individual variables is misleading since the size of the constant and the contribution of the dummy variables in the unexplained portion of the model are influenced by the choice of the base categories for the dummy variables.

著者

中林 暁生

出版者

東北大学法学会

雑誌

法学 = HŌGAKU (THE JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLITICAL SCIENCE) (ISSN:03855082)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.1, pp.28-48, 2023-06-30

著者

諸岡 慧人

出版者

東北大学法学会

雑誌

法学 = HŌGAKU (THE JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLITICAL SCIENCE) (ISSN:03855082)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.1, pp.1-27, 2023-06-30

著者

得津 晶

出版者

東北大学法学会

雑誌

法学 = HŌGAKU (THE JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLITICAL SCIENCE) (ISSN:03855082)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.4, pp.102-126, 2023-03-30

著者

楊 海英

出版者

静岡大学人文社会科学部アジア研究センター

雑誌

アジア研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.99-108, 2018-03

著者

ウィンロース アンダース 水野 浩二

出版者

北海道大学グローバルCOEプログラム「多元分散型統御を目指す新世代法政策学」事務局

雑誌

新世代法政策学研究 (ISSN:1883342X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.177-196, 2011-07

著者

小西 真理子

出版者

立命館大学

巻号頁・発行日

2014-03-31

著者

薬師寺 浩之

出版者

立命館大学人文科学研究所

雑誌

立命館大学人文科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:02873303)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.183-213, 2023-01

著者

渡邉 仁

出版者

北海道大学大学院教育学研究院

雑誌

北海道大学大学院教育学研究院紀要 (ISSN:18821669)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.137, pp.1-30, 2020-12-23

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本研究では,国内外の高校における学校適応研究の研究動向を掴み,今後の研究課題を指摘することを目的とした。具体的には,学校適応の実態把握,関連要因,学校適応が他の問題に及ぼす影響を検討した研究を概観した。その結果,学校タイプや学年によって生徒の学校適応の様相が異なり,学校適応の関連要因は多岐にわたっていることが示唆されていた。また,在学中の学校適応が卒業後にまで影響していることが指摘されていた。社会的背景に困難を抱える生徒が多い非進学校では,生徒は入学してすぐに学校適応問題に直面し,教師の働きかけによって適応することもあれば,留年や中退することもある。しかし,これまでの学校適応研究では教師側の視点や生徒の社会的背景,留年や中退等は検討されていない。したがって,今後は高校の多様性や学年差を考慮し,留年や中退も視野に入れ,教師側の視点や生徒の社会的背景をみる観点から検討する必要性が示唆された。

出版者

北海道大学情報法政策学研究センター

雑誌

知的財産法政策学研究 (ISSN:18802982)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.71-109, 2021-10

著者

佐野 博之

出版者

北海道大学大学院経済学研究院

雑誌

經濟學研究 (ISSN:04516265)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.19-49, 2020-01-17

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アリンガムとサンドモによる脱税のモデルは多くの実証研究を誘発し,それらは理論分析の結果のいくつかが現実と乖離していることを明らかにした。特に,理論分析により予測される社会の平均脱税額は現実をはるかに上回ることから,納税者は金銭的動機だけで脱税額を決定していない可能性が示唆された。これに対して,理論モデルは非金銭的動機をもたらす心理費用を納税者の効用関数に組み込んで分析することで現実との乖離を説明しようとし,実験室実験を中心とした実証研究は心理費用が納税者の行動に影響していることを強く示唆してきた。本稿ではまず,アリンガムとサンドモ以降の脱税研究を,理論と実証の両面からサーベイする。最近の脱税研究は,他の納税者の行動の観察を通じて心理費用が変化するような社会的納税者に注目している。このような社会的納税者が存在すると,税情報公開が脱税抑止のための有効な手段になる可能性があるため,税情報公開の効果を調べた実験室実験が数多く行われている。本稿では,これまでの脱税研究とそれらの実験室実験の結果を基に理論モデルを構築し,税情報公開の効果を分析する。さらに,このような理論分析の限界を示す。

著者

田中 嘉浩

出版者

北海道大学大学院経済学研究院

雑誌

經濟學研究 (ISSN:04516265)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.11-18, 2022-06-09

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不可分財を人数に比例して配分する問題は,衆議院や下院で 議員定数を地域人口に比例して配分する定数配分の問題が その典型である。 本稿ではアメリカ下院議員の州への配分で用いられた最大剰余方式 や除数法の代表的な方式に関して,その方法や理論的背景を 述べていく。特に,よく使われる d'Hondt 方式が除数法の Jefferson 方式であることを示した。 日本では衆議院小選挙区の議員定数を各都道府県に配分する 定数配分の問題が有るが,「一票の格差」をできるだけ小さく する目標が有り,2016年の選挙改革法では,早晩 Adams 方式 を使うことが決まっている。2021年10月末の第49回衆議院議員 総選挙に関して,実際の配分,Adams 方式の配分,Hill 方式 の配分を比べ,それぞれの「一票の格差」を計算した。

著者

薬師寺 浩之

出版者

立命館大学人文科学研究所

雑誌

立命館大学人文科学研究所紀要 = Memoirs of the Research Institute of the Cultural Sciences of Ritsumeikan University (ISSN:02873303)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, pp.129-163, 2019-12