著者

井上 史雄

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.89, pp.68-101, 1986-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

47

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An attempt at an areal division by means of grammatical characteristics of dialects of Japan is presented here. The data is part of a preliminary report of a national linguistic survey of grammatical forms, which was codified into a form available for computation.The data was adapted to a multi-variate analysis called Hayashi's “Quantificational Theory Type Three” which is similar to “ 1'analyse des correspondences” developed in France.Ryukyu dialects spoken in Okinawan islands were first characterized as quite different from the other dialects. The Hachijo dialect was next differentiated from the dialects of Mainland Japan. Dialects of Mainland Japan were then divided into two main groups of the western and eastern Japan. Dialects of Kyushu island were characterized as a little different from those of other western dialects. The most impressive result may be that the dividing line between the western and eastern dialects of the Mainland was situated between Gifu and Nagano prefectures, which coincides with many geographical and cultural boundaries.The result shows that the application of multi-variate analysis to dialectal data is fruitful and significant. The division of dialectal areas should be attempted by considering as much data as is available. The dividing method which makes use of a limited number of bundles of isoglosses may sometimes be misleading.

著者

Tetsuya Kunihiro

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.Supplement.2, pp.99-114, 2022 (Released:2022-06-20)

参考文献数

14

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This paper examines the cognitive basis of linguistic expressions. It is shown that our ability to construe the same situation in different ways (cognitive aspect) is reflected in language use. Particular focus is given to the tendency of Japanese to focus on the point at which an event occurred (point-like cognition) compared to the tendency of English to focus on the continuing resultant state of an event (line-like cognition). Our cognitive abilities of extrapolation and complementation, perceiving something as a remnant of the results of a previous event (e.g., perceiving a shape as a square with a missing corner), are shown to be reflected in a diverse range of linguistic expressions including motion verbs used in the sense of ‘extent’. Finally, it is shown that metaphorical cognition is at work behind our linguistic expression of abstract objects. Metaphorical expres- sions related to the mind and emotions are shown to differ between Japanese and English.

著者

服部 四郎

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1975, no.68, pp.1-14, 1975-12-25 (Released:2010-11-26)

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In the history of linguistics, several revolutionary developments in method have occurred, e. g. comparative grammar versus philology, synchronical linguistics versus historical linguistics, phonology versus phonetics, generative transformational grammar versus structural linguistics, etc. It is a peculiar feature of linguistics, however, that the new does not completely invalidate the old, and in the course of time the old and the new turn out to be comlementary.[The presidential inaugural lecture given at the 70 th general meeting of the Society held on 14 June 1975.]

著者

定延 利之 田窪 行則

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.108, pp.74-93, 1995-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

26

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This paper attempts to construct a dynamic model of dialogic discourse. We posit a cognitive interface between language and knowledge-base. This interface contains pointers or indices which control the access path to the knowledge-base and the temporary memorybase set up for each dialogue session. Utterances in a dialogue can be seen as instructions for operations on this interface:registering, searching, copying, and inferring, etc. We examine the nature of these operations by analyzing Japanese interjections such as "eeto" and "ano(o)". The mental processes which those interjections reflect can be well described using the data-base and the working buffer. "Eeto" reflects that the speaker is securing the working space in the buffer, whereas "ano(o)" reflects that the speaker is extracting linguistic information from the data-base.

著者

田川 憲二郎

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.128, pp.73-111, 2005-12-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

43

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This paper claims that the English to-infinitives base-generated in the complement position of VP represent a type of syntactic (grammatical) aspect.The argument is partly motivated by a historical parallel: the fact that both to-infinitives and progressive participles have developed from prepositional phrases with spatial meanings.The semantics of the to-infinitive are analyzed along with those of the perfective and progressive constructions. It is argued that a verb that takes a to-infinitive as its complement describes an event or state with implicit relevance to the infinitive event or state, while the perfective participle has similar relevance to the matrix tense. The referential nature of verb-following to-infinitives and that of perfective participles are thus temporally symmetrical, suggesting that such to-infinitives form part of the syntactic aspect system of English. The ‘future- oriented’ use of toinfinitives is shown to be the syntactic representation of ‘prospective aspect’, discussed in Comrie (1976) and others.Following and modifying Felser (1999), Lasnik (2000), and others, it is assumed here that a typical English sentence has the structure [IP [NegP[ VP [AspP [VP]]]]], with infinitival to, progressive -ing, and perfective -en each checking their syntactic aspect feature in the head of AspP. The negation marker not, which normally precedes to, is assumed to occur either in the head of NegP or as an adjunct to AspP.

著者

松本 克己

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.100, pp.1-41, 1991-12-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

70

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The notion of ‘subject’ as a grammatical category first appeared in Western Europe about the 12th to 13th century by the name of ‘suppositum’ and was theoretically elaborated on by the Medieval grammarians called ‘modistae’. Before that, however, it was quite unknown, surprising indeed, in any grammatical tradition of the world ; neither Apollonios, nor Priscianus, nor Panini, nor Arab grammarians knew such a category. The present lecture aims to elucidate the reason why the notion of subject did appear in Medieval Europe but not in other parts of the world, and the linguistic motivations for its appearance in Europe or its absence elsewhere. I shall discuss, especially, the theory of karaka of Panini, who completely dispenses with syntactic relations such as subject and object, the Stoic theory of kategorema, which foreshadows the later subject-predicate notion, the theory of mubtada'/khabar (=Topic/Comment) and of ‘amil/ma ’ mul (=regens/rectum) of the Arab grammarians after the 8th century, and finally the theory of suppositum/appositum (=subject/predicate) and principium/terminus (=the relation of ‘subject of ’/ ‘object of’) of the European modista. The appearance of subject in the West European grammar, it will be pointed out, was linguistically conditioned by the development of the strict SVO word-order combined with the characteristic morphological attrition, especially the loss of nominal cases and of verbal person markings, which seems to have been brought about by the creole-like processes resulting from the bi- or multilingual situations among the Germanic and Romance speaking peoples in close contact during the Medieval age. This can most typically be seen in the case of Middle English. Thus, thesubject as a syntactic category is really a historical product in a quite limited linguistic area which comprises those languages once called SAE (= “Standard Average European ”) by B. L. Whorf. They share a typologically unique feature known as “dummy subject” and thus manifesting themseleves as so-called “non-pro-drop” languages. In short, the subject of SAE has resulted from the coalescence of three quite different linguistic functions into a purely syntactic category, namely, 1) the discourse topic, which was the very starting point of the Medieval notion of suppositum, 2) the morphological case-marking (i. e. nominative vs. accusative), and 3) the semantic agent (or rather the “primary role”) of a verb. Usually, these functions are separately grammaticalized in other languages, e. g. as mubtada' and fail in Arabic, as wa and ga in Japanese, as “focus” and case in Philippine languages, as word-order, case and verbal endings in Old Indo-European languages. The subject, in conclusion, cannot be part of the theory of syntax as a universal category. It is quite a complex and heterogeneous concept in its origin, and manifests as surface syntactic phenomena only in a very limited number of -languages. Therefore, any syntactic theory based exclusively on the observations of such languages needs to be thoroughly reexamined, if it claims to be universal in any sense. Rather, we must reappraise the old grammatical traditions radically different from that of West European or “Aristotelo-Cartesian” school in order to found a theory of “Universal Grammar” in the true sense. (This is a revised version of the Presidential Lecture given at the 102nd General Meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan held at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, June 6th, 1991).

著者

Hiroyuki Umeda

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.Supplement.2, pp.25-41, 2022 (Released:2022-06-20)

参考文献数

22

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In the Seoul dialect of Korean, the pronunciation of vowels differs depending on the age of speakers. In general, the vowel system of speakers over sixty years of age consists of the nine vowels /i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u, ɨ, ə/, all of which demonstrate a quantitative opposition in the word-initial syllable. In contrast, younger people have a simpler vowel system which consists of seven vowels, /i, e, a, o, u, ɨ, ʌ/, with no word-initial quantitative opposition. In order to clarify the processes of vowel change responsible for the variation observed in the Seoul dialect, I investigated the vowels of eighteen informants native to the mid-town area of Seoul. Dividing the informants into seven groups, the following vowel changes can be argued to have occurred. In basic vocabulary items the vowel [əː] in groups [1] and [2] changed phonemically into [ɨː] in groups [3] and [4], but in literary words, [əː] was borrowed from older people’s pronunciation. The vowel [ɔː] appeared in the vowel system of group [5] due to the influence of the written language, as well as due to analogical changes in conjugating forms. In group [6], [ɨː] and [əː] merged into [ɔː] due to increasing influence of the written language as well as analogical changes in conjugating forms. In group [7], long vowels shortened, and accordingly, [ɔː] changed into [ʌ], with loss of lip- rounding. With respect to the front vowels [e] and [ɛ], group [1] and [2] show a clear distinction in initial syllables and in non-initial syllables after a morpheme boundary, while most informants of the other groups show an unstable distinc- tion even in initial syllables. In summary, the vowel changes occurred very gradually in each age group due to the linguistic influence of elderly groups as well as interference from the written language and analogical change. This is why the different vowel systems can exist synchronically within the same speech community.

著者

松本 曜

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.99, pp.82-106, 1991-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

27

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The semantic structures and system of Japanese numeral classifiers are examined, using the framework of prototype semantics (Coleman & Kay 1981, Fillmore 1982). The analysis is based in part on the results of experimental studies of the acceptability of classifier use for various objects. It is observed that many classifiers, including-wa, -hon, -dai and-ken, form a complex prototype structure, defined not only by necessary conditions for appropriate use, but also by “prototype conditions”, which do not have to be satisfied but, if satisfied, makes its referent a representative or prototypical member of the category.It is also claimed that there is a priority order in the choice of classifiers when more than one classifier is potentially usable. It is pointed out that a more informative classifier in general restricts the use of a less informative classifier and that this is due to a pragmatic principle of informativeness (Grice 1975).The findings also suggest that classifiers as a whole do not form a neatly structured taxonomy as formerly suggested (e. g. Sanches 1977). Rather, they constitute a loose system, each classifier having its own peculiarities that reflect the nature of its referents, suggesting the inadequacy of a strong form of structural semantics (Fillmore 1983).

著者

早田 輝洋

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.118, pp.5-27, 2000-12-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

13

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上代日本語の二段活用動詞は終止・・連体・・已然・で語幹末母音が/u/と交替する.この交替は文献時代では既に文法化していた.しかし,文法化する以前の音韻的条件は何だったのであろうか.語幹末母音が/u/と交替するのは,乙類音節で終る語幹末母音の次に終止語尾/-u/,連体語尾|-ru|,已然語尾/-re/の来る時であるが,終止語尾/-u/の場合は母音の融合かも知れぬゆえ考察から外すと/-ru//-re/の前,即ち/-r/の前ということになる.しかし,受身接辞/-rare//-raje/の前では交替は起きない.日本語の歴史を通じて,その/r/の音はr的な音であること,その音が当面の母音交替に関係ないことを論じ,ついで奈良時代の東西方言の対応や服部仮説から連体接辞の祖・*rua,巳然接辞の祖・*rua-giを再構すると,当該の母音交替は後続音節*ruaの母音*uによる逆行同化を思わせるものとなることを示す.過去接辞/-isi//-isi-ka/の・態素構成にも示唆する所がある。

著者

黒田 成幸

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1967, no.50, pp.85-99, 1967-01-20 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

17

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The phonetic forms of the so-called soku-on (choked sound) and hatu-on (syllabic nasal) are accounted for in generative phonology by means of the introduction of three phonological rules, progressive assimilation, nasalization, and regressive assimilation, ordered in this way. It is shown that Chomsky's argument which denies the theoretical status of the phoneme in generative phonology is equally applicable to the soku-on and hatu-on; that is, there is no level of representation on which either the soku-on or hatu-on is represented by one and the same segment. However, if we assume that the soku-on and the hatu-on are, respectively, the segment “plus consonantal, minus nasal”, and the segment “plus consonantal, plus nasal”, the other features being unspecified, then the representation using the soku-on and hatu-on (say, of a word), is shown to be an inverse representation on the levels of each of the three phonological rules introduced above.(A representation is by definition inverse on the level of a rule R, if the application to it of R and the rules that follow R yields the correct phonetic representation.) The regressive assimilation rule is characterized among these three rules by the fact that on this level the inverse representation is minimal and nondistinct from the generative representation on the same level. A speculation on the perceptual mechanism is added which assigns special significance to this level. It is assumed that in perception during the analysisby-synthesis procedure the input phonetic signal is temporarily stored in the representation which contains the segments corresponding to the traditional notion of soku-on and hatuon, namely the minimal inverse representation on the level of regressive assimilation; it is then compared with the generative representation on the same level to see whether the two representations are distinct or not.

著者

梅田 博之

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.106, pp.1-22, 1994-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

23

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In the Seoul dialect, the pronunciation of vowels is different according to the age of speakers, and so the vowel system is also different. Generally speaking, speakers over sixty years of age pronounce the vowel e in two ways;one is [*] and the other is [*:].The former [*] corresponds to the Middle Korean vowel e in a low or high accent and the latter [*:] to e in a low-high accent.These two vowels appear almost complementary to each other, i.e. [*] appears as a short vowel and [*] appears as a long vowel in most cases.In spite of that, I think that each of these two vowels falls to a different phoneme for the following reasons: (1)each vowel of the Seoul dialect, except [*] and [*], has an opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable, but the sound value of a long vowel is not different from the correspnding short vowel, (2) usually, [*] appears as a long vowel and [*] as a short vowel, but there are a few examples where [*] appears as a short vowel and we can also find a few examples where [*] appears as a long vowel.Therefore I consider [*] and [*] correspond to different phonemes.Consequently, there are nine vowel phonemes, /i, e, e, a, a, o, u, i, a/;and each vowel has the opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable in older people's pronunciation.The vowel system of speakers over sixty years of age is shown as [2] of table 1.In contrast to older speakers, younger people have a very simple vowel system which consists of seven vowels, /i, e, a, o, u, i, A/. Thus we find the very interesting situation that speakers of the Seoul dialect have different vowel systems depending on their age group.This is the result of diachronic changes that have occurred over the last few decades.I investigated eighteen informants who were native to the mid-town area of Seoul in 1988 and 1989 to clarify how vowels changed according to the age of speakers.The types of vowel systems shown at table 1 were found in the investigation.The vowel changes according to the speakers'age groups can be pictured as shown at the table 5.[*:] of groups [1] and [2] phonemically changed into [i:] in groups [3] and [4] for basic words which they learned orally in their childhood, but in literary words they borrowed [*:] from the older people's pronunciation.[*:] was brought into the pronunciation of group [5] by the influence of the written language, i.e.spelling pronunciation, as language education began to follow a regulated curriculum from primary school, and additionally due to the analogical change in the verb conjugation which first occurs in this group. In group [6], [i:] and [*:] joins [*:] due to the increasing influence of the written language and in addition by the analogical change in verb conjugation.In group [7], long vowels lose length and accordingly [*:] changes into [A], losing lip-rounding.With respect to the front vowel opposition, group [1] and [2] have a clear distinction in initial syllables, but in non-initial syllables it hasalready disappeared as a rule except in morpheme-boundary position. Roughly speaking, most informants of groups that follow group [3] show unstable distinction even in initial syllables.Considering the above-mentioned vowel change, it can be summarized that the change goes on very gradually in each age group because it occurs under the linguistic influence of elderly groups to restrain from the change and also being receded by interference of the written language and analogical change.Thus we see the reason why the different vowel systems can exist synchronically in the same speech community.

著者

井上 史雄

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1968, no.52, pp.80-98, 1968-01-31 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

30

著者

高山 知明

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.101, pp.14-34, 1992-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

11

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The contrast of the vowel length in Modern Japanese results from the coalescence in Vu hiatuses as [iu][eu][au][ou], which changed into long vowels. This paper intends toexplain what factors were relevant to these changes. It presents two points as follows.(1) As a result of the above-mentioned changes, i) the indivisible units that had two morae, i.e. the long vowels, came to be established. ii) the syllable u came to be restricted to be at the initial positions of morphemes. These processes are worthy of notice from the functional point of view. They are regarded consonant with the trend, which has been already pointed out, of the phonological evolution in the history of Japanese language: that the delimitation of morphemes has been manifested by the phonotactic and tonal rearrangement resulting from several different changes.(2) The manner of changes in Vu and in Vi was conditioned by the phonetic nature of Vu and of Vi. Vu hiatuses were vulnerable to the changes into long vowels under the condition that the [j] follows all consonants except [w].

著者

早津 恵美子

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.95, pp.231-256, 1989-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

32

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In Japanese language, some transitive verbs, such as kiru ‘cut’ and yogosu ‘make dirty’ are paired with morphologically and semantically corresponding intransitive ones, such as kireru ‘be parted’ and yogoreru ‘become dirty’, but others, such as tataku ‘beat’ and yomu ‘read’, are not. Is it an unpredictable matter depending on an individual transitive verb whether it is paired with an intransitive one or not? The purpose of this paper is to show that it is not and to propose that there is the semantic difference between paired and unpaired transitive verbs: in general, the former describe the event focussing on the result of an agent's action, and the latter describe the event focussing on the process of an agent's action.

著者

三宅 知宏

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.110, pp.143-168, 1996-12-20 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

27

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The aim of this paper is to examine accusative case marking by Japanese movement verbs. In some cases, Source is expressed with a semantically vacuous accusative case, even though in Japanese Source has an embodied form, kara, the inherent case directly corresponding to the semantic role. There are, however, some constraints on accusative marking of Source:Source cannot be marked with an accusative, (1) if Goal as well as Source is implied, or(2) if the action expressed by the verb is not controlled volitionally. These facts can be explained in the following way. First I account for accusative-marked Source in lexical-conceptual structure, positing a process that incorporates the semanteme FROM into the semanteme MOVE. As for generalization (1), this incorporation will be blocked by an intervening semanteme TO. This blocking will result as a consequence if we assume that one of the originally syntactic principles of relativized minimality or economy of derivation is also at work within lexical-conceptual structures. Second, generalization (2) can be explained in terms of unaccusativity in syntax.In addition, it is also shown that the semantic role of Path, which has no corresponding inherent case in Japanese, is peculiar in that it can be marked with an accusative, even when the syntactic structure contains a verb expressing an action that lacks volitional control, i.e., even when there is no external argument.

著者

窪薗 晴夫

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.1-31, 2015 (Released:2016-05-17)

参考文献数

69

被引用文献数

1

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この論文では,日本語の音声データ,とりわけ語アクセントに関連するデータをもとに,一般言語学が日本語(方言)の研究にどのような新しい知見をもたらすか,逆に日本語方言の実証的,理論的研究が一般言語学や他の言語の研究にどのような洞察を与えるか考察する。具体的な例として「音節量」の現象を取り上げ,この概念を日本語の分析に導入することにより,さまざまな日本語の諸言語が一般化できること,また,そのようにして得られた日本語の分析が一般言語学,音韻理論の研究に大きく寄与できる可能性を秘めていることを指摘する。論文の後半では日本語諸方言のアクセント体系・現象を取り上げ,この言語が「アクセントの宝庫」と言えるほど多様なアクセント体系を有していること,そしてその分析が言語の多様性について重要な示唆を与えることを指摘する。

著者

久保 智之

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.112, pp.66-97, 1997-11-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

20

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ハルハ・モンゴル語では,Japon‹日本›→japon Mapon‹日本とか›のように,単語全体を繰り返し,後ろの単語を/m/で始めるリデュープリケーションが,非常に生産的である.derivationやinflexionなどのword formationとの関わりを観察すと,derivation→compounding→reduplication→inflexionという文法の構成が明らかになる.また,[XY]という構造があるとき,リデュープリケーションによって[XYY]となるのか,[XXY]となるのか,[XYXY]となるのかは,その内部構造と深く関わっていること,さらに,ストレスやピッチとの関わりもあることが,明らかになった.

著者

西田 龍雄

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1979, no.76, pp.1-28, 1979-11-30 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

37

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This paper is an enlarged version of the writer's lecture delivered at the 78th general meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan. Two subjects are discussed: tonogenesis and ergative constructions in the TB languages. First, the sub-grouping of TB languages is mentioned briefly. With a number of examples the correspondence of cognate words in toneme dialects and tonemeless dialects within both the Chin and Tibetan groups is shown. The writer expresses his opinion concerning tonal development in the Choni dialect of Tibetan.After considering the formation of toneme patterns in the disyllabic words of Lhasa Tibetan, the writer mentions the interesting phenomena of disyllabic words reduced to monosyllables evident in the Choni dialect in China, Dzongkha in Bhutan and Lhomi in Nepal.In the second part he explains the ergative construction of Tibetan and discusses the opposition of ergative and non-ergative constructions. It is known that Tibetan originally had no passive construction as such, but in fact, when a passive meaning is called for, it is formed by the topicalization or focusization of the object of the sentence, as is clear in examples given which contrast with modern Chinese.Finally, the writer points out what were probably ergative forms of Rawang of Northern Burma, Chiang in Ssu-Chuang and Moso in Yunnan; and he assumes the development of the ergative construction in Moso.

著者

セラフィム レオンA. 新里 瑠美子

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.127, pp.1-49, 2005-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

66

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古代沖縄語のス=siの係り結びと古代日本語のコ乙ソ乙=kosoの係り結びは,已然形で結ぶ強調表現であるところが類似するが,積極的に比較研究されることは少なかった.本稿においては,両者を比較し,日本祖語における原形を*ko#swo(指示詞の*コ乙+形式名詞の*ソ甲)と再構する.そして,有坂第一.法則の適用で,甲類のswoが,先行する乙類のoに母音調和した結果,古代日本語では,kosoとなったと仮説する.ソ甲の部分が甲類で,形式名詞であったとの見解は,従来の近称のコ乙+中称のソ乙との語源と相容れないが,その裏づけとして,(1)沖縄最古の辞書『混効験集』の知見,(2)西日本方言に痕跡を留める形式名詞のス・ソ,(3)機能論,文法化理論の観点からの論証を挙げる.更に,コ乙ソ乙(沖縄ス=si)とカ(沖縄ガ)の係り結びを対照させ,両者の結びがrealisとirrealis(古代日本語は多くが推量の助動詞-(a)m-)に対応する意味を認知論的に考察し,また指示詞から係助詞のようなfbcus particleへの移行は世界の言語の文法化のデータにも合致する点を指摘する.

著者

風間 伸次郎

出版者

The Linguistic Society of Japan

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.109, pp.117-139, 1996-03-20 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

27

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Hezhen is one of the Tungus-Manchu languages, spoken in China along the Amur river. It has been thought to be a dialect of Nanay. But as seen below, in some phonetic correspondences, Hezhen shows the same characteristics as Tungus-Manchu languages which belong to Ikegami's group II (This grouping is according to Ikegami 1974: Ewen, Ewenki, Solon, and Negidal belong to group I, Udehe and Orochi belong to group II, Nanay, Ulcha, and Uilta belong to group III, Manchu and Jurchen belong to group IV. This article is not referred to Hezhen). The last two correspondences show the unique character of Hezhen compared to all the other Tungus-Manchu languages.Hezhen Ewenki Orochi Nanay(group I) (group II) (group III)xakin xakin xakin paa (*p-) “liver”adi adii adi xado (*x-) “how many”inaki _??_nakin inaki inda (*-nd-) “dog”ti_??_n ti_??_n ti_??_n tu_??_g_??_n (*-_??_g-) “breast”giamsa giramna giamsa girmaksa (*-ms-) “bone”nasa nanna nasa nanta (*-ns-) “skin”xulsa xulla xukta polta (*-ls-) “quilt”x_??_r_??_n x_??_n_??_n xe_??_n p_??_i_??_n (*-r_??_-) “knee”