著者

金山 好男

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.55-79, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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The accession of king Jayavarman II (802 A. D.) is one of the most important points in the history of Cambodia. Following this or in the Angkor period, her political system seems to have become centralized, while prior to that event, or in the pre-Angkor period, it was still decentralized. The author examined the contemporary inscriptions found in Cambodia and also some Chinese documents, and reached the conclusion that the puras were very important in the pre-Angkor period. As regards their structure, each pura had its chief who was either nominated by the king directly or authorized by him to succeed the position of chief and who was wealthy enough to make holy donations as mentioned in the inscriptions. Under superintendence of this chief, there were houses as many as several thousands according to Chinese sources. Kutunbin, or householder, paid the tax to the chief. Puras had rice fields, plantations and villages presumably in their environment. As for the relation between the state and puras, the chiefs of some puras were officials of the king. Judging from some cases in which chiefs received their puras from the king in reward for driving out hostile chiefs by arms, they seem to have had a considerable military forces. Chinese sources describe that under the king of Chên-la, there were 30 or more fort-towns (ch'êng) each with a chief and inhabitants. This description supports the facts found in the inscriptions. Such a pura had both dependent and independent elements in relation to the state. In the pre-Angkor period, Chên-la annihilated Fu-nan and unified the regions of the Lower and Middle Mekong, but it soon broke up into several principalities. The author supposes that this breaking up of Chên-la was caused by the predominance of the above-mentioned independent element.

著者

永積 昭

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.157-178, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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The writer, having investigated the royal lineage of the kingdom called Patani in the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula in the 17th century, will now try to clarify some facts concerning eminent members among the ruling class of the kingdom by availing himself of Chinese, European and Japanese sources.The ruling class, called orang-cayas (nobles) in the Malayan language, were said to be as many as four thousand according to the Voyages of Jacob Van Neck, though the figure seems to be incredible compared with the whole population of the country. In most cases, each nobleman used to be called with a prefix “Dato” which means “nobleman” in Malayan. The writer asserts that the title is the same as the word na-tu (nátok in Fukien dialect) mentioned in Tung-hsi yang-kao written in Ming China.It was much more difficult for the writer, however, to identify all the particular noblemen than to trace the royal lineage, because almost all the nobles were called merely by their official titles, not by their personal names. All he could do, therefore, was to trace their official status in the bureaucracy, apart from each individual.Among the official titles one that appears most frequently and during the longest course of time is “Dato Serinara”, which means divine hero. The writer associates it with Shitsu-ri Tatsu-na which appears in quotations in the Gaiban-tsusho compiled by Kondo Seisai. It seems that this official was also often called Dato Serinara Paducka, an honorific title, the last word of which literally means sandal. It is obvious that the above-mentioned official title was held by a Chinese at least in 1599 and 1603. The Travels of Wijbrand van Warwyck described one as the treasurer of the queen of Patani. The title continues to appear in historical records down to 1639, although there is less possibility of ascertaining that the position was still filled by a Chinese at that time. Many sources indicate the dominance of the Chinese as a whole in the field of trade and commerce in the country.Two other official titles Dato Besaer (a principal nobleman) and Dato Bandhara (a nobleman of the harbour) date back to the second decade of the century. However, the problem as to which was the most important official title among the above-mentioned three, and which was called the third king in Ka-i hen-tai has not yet been solved. The historical sources are far more scarce as regards other official titles among which only Dato Laxamana (which means an admiral) is worth mentioning. Several records seem to indicate that the title is used as a synonym of Shahbandar, the harbour master, which was the term generally used in many ports in the southern part of Asia.The castle of the kingdom of Patani, about half a kilometer long on its longer side, was, according to many records, surrounded by huge timbers. The population of the city may be estimated at ten to twenty thousand in spite of the great variety of figures given in different records. It is known that many of the principal officials lived close to the queen, presumably inside the castle.The writer concludes that the bureaucratic system in the kingdom closely resembled those of adjacent minor countries in which Islam was the most favoured religion. In other words, this system was quite different from that of Siam, though the former was a tributary state to the latter at that time, even if nominally. While some officials, Dato Serinara Paducka and Dato Laxamana for example, directly took part in trade, there still remains the question as to what was the economic basis of the ruling class in general.

著者

大林 太良

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.1-54, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

参考文献数

93

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The hunting of wild pigs thrives or used to thrive among representatives of pre-Austric cultures in Western Indonesia such as the Engano-islanders and the Shom Pen of the Great Nicobar Island. The young pigs which are caught are kept in cages and then ritually slaughtered. There is still no genuine pig breeding and we have no report on the castration of pigs. This form of pig keeping has some similarities with the bear keeping among the Ainu and Gilyak for their festivals. It might be regarded, purely typologically speaking, as an intermediate or transitional form between that of pig hunting and pig breeding.Genuine pig breeding begins in Western Indonesia first with Austric cultures: in Mentawei, Nias (rice cultivation area) and Nicobar Islands. Castration by severing is practised. The method of killing was originally by stabbing with a bamboo knife. There is a taboo against the eating of pigs, when their death is not caused by ritual killing. The appearance of Austric cultures in Southeast Asia is generally assumed to date back to about 1, 500 BC. This means that the first occurrence of pig breeding in Southeast Asia is much later than that in the Near East, i. e. about 5, 000 BC. In my opinion, therefore, the pig breeding in Southeast Asia is of western origin.Some features of the megalithic complex are: the killing of pigs at the feast of merits (in Nias and Car Nicobar), traces of megalithic forked poles (in Nias, Chaura and Car Nicobar), and pig-fighting (in Car Nicobar).Other features should be ascribed to younger cultural waves: divination from entrails (maybe a Dongson-culture element, in Mentawei and Nias), the myth of the marriage between sows and the ancestor of the Engano Islanders who came with a prauw, and the myth of the origin of pigs from the world tree in Nias.

著者

山本 達郎

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.Preface1, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

荻原 弘明

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.203-207, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

田中 則雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.2, pp.81-130, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

参考文献数

7

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The theme of this treatise consists of the following: (1) What shape did “Forced Deliveries” take, when the Dutch East India Company, typically representative of European commercial capitalists, ruled over West Java and became a political power? and (2) What influence did this have on the society of West Java?Chapter 1. Realization and Change of “Forced Deliveries”Section 1. Increase in tradeThe Dutch East India Company founded the city of Batavia in 1619. The founding of the city necessitated construction materials and necessaries of life and, as a result of this, the trade in wood and food between Batavia and its neighboring places began. But the Company, establishing its influence in West Java, interfered with trade hitherto made freely between Batavia and the neighboring places and bought articles at prices and in quantities desired one-sidedly by them alone.Section 2. Rise of “Forced Deliveries”Towards the end of the 17th century the Company making a large profit in the cotton-yarn trade, and Indian cotton being scarce, made forcible purchases from Priangan in West Java in 1694; thus “Forced Deliveries” of cotton-yarn was established, delivery-quantity and purchase price being determined by the Company. In 1695 wax, kardamon, pepper, bird's nest, pearl and indigo were added to the above goods.Section 3. Decline of Cultivation owing to rebellion and strengthening of “Forced Deliveries”The rebellion of Prewata Sari (1700-1705) dealt a severe blow to cultivation and hindered delivery. The Company appointed Pangeran Aria Tjirebon, Prince of Cheribon as Opzigten der Cheribonsch Preangerlanden. And through his inspection of the extent of jurisdiction and his efforts in urging the people, both cultivation and delivery recovered.Section 4. Introduction of Coffee cultivation and its vissicitudesThe Company having gained a large profit by importing coffee from Mocha in Arabia in the 17th century, on Turkey's interference with the export of coffee, tried to cultivate the said goods in Java. The first delivery of coffee, 102 pounds, was made in 1711. And the purchase price was very profitable both to the natives and the Company. As a result of this, the delivery increased to 894 pounds in 1711, and 2380 pounds in 1712, and a further increase, amounting to about 2, 500, 000 pounds was made in 1724, while in 1725 it exceeded 4, 000, 000 pounds. The Company feared that this unexpected amount of delivery would bring about a heavy fall in price owing to overproduction, and hastened to lower the purchase price of coffee. The price reduction had an immediate effect on coffee cultivation and the natives began to cut down coffee trees. In 1728 the amount of delivery fell far below the 4, 000, 000 pounds required by Holland, and the Company ordered each household (“huisgezin”) to plant more than ten coffee trees.In this way coffee hitherto freely cultivated came to be grown compulsorily just like cotton and indigo. And the purchase price was raised. But as coffee delivery increased again in 1733, the Company was menaced with overproduction. Thus in 1735 the Company restricted the planting and in 1738 ordered half the trees to be cut down. Such steps taken by the Company gave rise to a decline in coffee cultivation.In 1791, however, a great rebellion of negroes took place in St. Domingo Island, which produced 2/3 of the world's coffee, and this caused so heavy a rise in the price of coffee that the Company once more encouraged coffee cultivation, and eventually, in 1793, more than 80, 000 picols were delivered, which greatly enriched the Company. But in 1798 the above Company was dissolved.Chapter 2. “Forced Deliveries” and its mechanismAfter the Company's possession of West Java was ensured, it divided the, land into Jacatra and Cheribon. The former of which was put under the direct control of the Company

著者

荻原 弘明

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.123-130, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

永積 昭

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.56-70,A9, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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Concerning the Kingdom of Patani, situated on the eastern coast of the Malaya Peninsula, there exists an elaborate thesis, “De Factorijder Oostindische Compagnie to Patani” by Dr. H. Terpstra, s'Gravenhage 1938. (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie. Deel I). As in the beginning of the seventeenth century there were established a Dutch as well as an English Factory, we know a good many things about this kingdom. Dr. Terpstra, however, concentrated his interest on the activities of the Dutch, who were settled on the spot, but devoted little attention to the country itself. Therefore, the author would like to conduct some further investigation into this kingdom, in the first place royal lineage, by comparing European, Chinese and Japanese sources as far as possible.According to Tung hsi yang k'ao written by Chang hsieh the throne of Patani had been inherited by the male line until it became extinct in the Wan li era of the Ming dynasty. On the other hand, all of the European and Japanese material thereafter tells us that the kingdom was ruled by a queen, together with a younger lady (called “the young queen”) as her assistant and prospective successor, who left all political activities to a prime minister (called “the third king”).By means of the above mentioned documents from three sides, we can conclude that the male line of succession turned into the female one about the 14th year of Wan-li (1586). In the Itinerary of Jacob van Neck it is explicitly stated: “the Queen of Patani had ruled her kingdom for 15 years after the death of her husband.” This f act also tallies with some Chinese sources, though the latter don't mention the exact time of her enthronement.This first queen, given the title of “Pratiau” by the Siamese court, paid tributes every year, though it was merely nominal. Her title means nothing but “the king” and she was not known by any other name. She had at least two sisters, one of whom got married to a king of Pahang in 1584. Later, this queen of Pahang became the cause of conflict between both countries simply because the king of Pahang did not allow his spouse to visit her sister for 28 years, which annoyed the latter. The Chinese document tells the conflict in a little different way. They say, in the beginning, there was a quarrel between Pahang and Johor, and Patani even supported her sister's state. We cannot ascertain which explanation is correct. At least it is certain that the warfare ended in the defeat of Pahang, and after the end of the war the royal couple came to Patani, leaving their devastated country behind them.This first queen Pratiau died of illness in August of 1616 and was soon succeeded by the other sister, then about 50 years old. During the earlier days of her reign Patani kept closer contact with the Dutch East India Company, although both Dutch and English Factories were withdrawn in 1622 and 1623 because of their economic inefficiency.At the time of the second queen, whose name is not known, Patani refused tribute to the Siamese court in 1629, denouncing the new Siamese king, Prasat Thong, as a usurper. This caused the invasion of its territory by Siamese troops in 1634, when the Dutch fleet also participated to attack the queen's territory. The result was that Patani was defeated and became dependent once more. 1) The second queen died in August, 1636, leaving her throne to one of her relatives. Thus her reign has lasted 17 years.(The travels written by Jean Albert de Mandelslo gives a different date to the death of the queen. However, when we submit his narrative to a careful scrutinization, we will notice that he borrowed almost all of his description from that of Jacob van Neck included in “Voyages” compiled by Isaac Commelin. Therefore this date hardly deserves our attention.)After the third queen, we c

著者

辛島 昇

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.133-141, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

高畠 稔

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.142-146, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

著者

綾部 恒雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.17-36,A5, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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One of the most important peoples of the Mainland of the Southeast Asia is the Thai group widely distributed throughout the Peninsula. They exhibit a wide variety of customs characterized by extreme plasticity. Among these Thai tribes, the author deals with the Lao people, with special emphasis upon changing aspects of genealogical relationships among them.The term genealogical relationships is used here in a wide sense; it is not used solely to refer to the descent relationship regulating the membership of a particular group, but also to indicate various aspects of personal status succession among the family and kindred. In other words, this term is used as the sum of rights and obligations concerning status succession recognized by laws and customs of the society.From the above point of view, the author presented the monograph of Pha Khao village (Lao people) located in the Northern part of Vientiane where he had carried out his field work in January and February 1957. After dealing with genealogical relations among the Pha Khao inhabitants, the author then studied the same customs of the Lao people and compared their changing aspects and variation with the Pha Khao.The Pha Khao has a nuclear type of family which amounts to as high as 80% of all families; the average number in a family is 4.5 in general. Marital residence is matrilocal and kinship terminology is of the bilateral type. Teknonymy is extremely developed and it has a tendency to trace a, maternal line. Although the Lao have had no family name, they adopted the use of it in 1944 by the order of the government; this family name is now called. Nam Sa Kun, and is traced by the paternal line. Actually, this has no function in Pha Khao. The form of appellation customarily used is the addition of Nai (Mr. in English) to a male personal name or Nang (Mrs. or Miss) to a female personal name. In addition, in the case of male adults, titles indicating their grades as priests are used after their return from the priesthood. The inheritance in general is on the bilateral principle concerning sex differentiation, while the house and its building land pass from the mother to the youngest daughter. This is a kind of junior right and has some relation to the rule of matrilocal residence.In Sum at Pha Khao the family name is transmitted in paternal line and the descent has a patrilineal trend, while the house inheritance right and teknonymy are along the maternal line.Now we must compare the monograph of Pha Khao mentioned above with some customs among other Lao peoples, for instance, with Chieng Mai Lao.In Chieng Mai Province (Thailand), teknonymy has already disappeared, while Nam Sa Kun which has almost no function at Pha Khao is comparatively well developed and the appellation custom of adding Nai (Mr.) and Nang (Mrs. Miss.) before a personal name is used with the same degree as at Pha Khao. The title concerning priestly grade is not used in Chieng Mai Province.To return to the main proposition, it is needless to say that the appellation and the title are limited to one's life time and to one generation. From the genealogical point of view, it has no meaning. However, the important problem is that the appellation and the title have strong functional relations with the vicissitudes of genealogical customs. As regards inheritance, Chieng Mai Lao has the same character as Pha Khao.This article deals only with the genealogical relationship among Lao people. According to the various previous studies, the Lao have the rule of bilateral descent and their form of social structure is a horizontal one, but from the above point of view, the Lao have many genealogical principles showing many complex changes and variations among them.After consideration of the facts, we can find a trend among the Lao peoples illustrating a tendency toward similarity with the culture of Bangkok.

著者

松井 透

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.37-55,A7, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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In the first half of the seventeenth century, indigo was especially sought after by the factors of the East India Company at Sarkhej, Biana and many other places in India. These European merchants wrote in their transactions a lot of letters, from which we can form an idea of its producers, its buyers, and the Mughal authorities who oppressed and exploited them. W. H. Moreland, in his celebrated “From Akbar to Aurangzeb”, gave some instances of the “official interference”, which had put a great hindrance on the trade in indigo, and which he considered to have been one of the two characteristics that distinguished the Indian markets in general from those of modern times (pp. 113-114, 146-149). No doubt he is right in saying so, but after minutely investigating a number of such instances, we can advance a step farther and analyze the nature of this “interference” and oppression of the indigo trade. The author's conclusion may be summed up as follows.1. There seems to have been a considerable local disparity in the social relations between the cultivators of the indigo plant and the manufacturers of the dye. Nevertheless, the production had to start as an agriculture in any case, and land revenue to be levied by the officials ensued. Although indigo was among the most valuable crops in those days, the revenue demand on it was so high, that there was scarcely any profit left for the peasants who cultivated it, causing them sometimes to abandon this valuable crop. The revenue demand was thus the first and perhaps the most fundamental oppression by the Mughal authorities.2. When Moreland talked about his “official interference”, he had probably in his mind chiefly those events which would fall under the second category, oppression When entering the market as buyer or seller, a Mughal official often claimed priority over all the merchants, and this claim being, in some degree, admitted by usage, he could bring about a standstill in the market and keep it by force till his dealings were carried out as he pleased. Under this official right of priority, the trade in indigo, particularly that in Gujarat, repeatedly experienced heavy oppression and exploitation, severely affecting the producers as well as the merchants.3. It was usually with the concrete intention of buying or selling that the controlling power of Mughal authorities over the indigo market was wielded. An official in the market was a whimsical merchant wearing a sword at his side. It is true, an abstract power of the sovereign to confer an exclusive privilege or a right of monopoly, not as a temporary measure but as a lasting system, was not quite unknown in those days, but so far as the indigo trade was concerned, there was only one instance of this kind, and even this was a rather exceptional case, not typical at all. The Emperor granted a monopoly without full confidence, partly because it was not well rooted in the social usage, and to his regret, the design failed.4. Under. all these burdens, the beautiful blue colour was produced, sold and brought to the European market. The producers were living in utter poverty, swarmed upon by the parasites who knew no satiety. Their desire and demand that had no connection with production were really a great handicap, when rivalry began with the indigo planters of the West Indies. This inability on the part of the ancient Indian industry to meet the challenge was at least one reason for its defeat, a point overlooked by Moreland (p. 113). It will be of interest to consider how this handicap was changed when India resumed her indigo production under the colonial government in the nineteenth century.

著者

太田 常藏

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

南方史研究 (ISSN:2185050X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.1, pp.71-79,A12, 1959-06-30 (Released:2010-10-22)

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‘Wu t'u’ is one of the names given to Burma. Yang Ping-nan's ‘Hai-lu’ is an important material, on the authority of which I have given careful consideration to the name of ‘Wu t'u’. The following may be suggested as the origins of ‘Wu t'u’:1. the land of ‘Hei-shui’ which means the River Irrawaddy.2. the transcription of ‘waddy’ from ‘Irrawaddy’.3. the transcription from Orissa, which is the home of the emigrants to Burma.4. the transcription of ‘waddy’ from Hamthawaddy, which is the name of ‘Talaing’ kingdom.Of the above, the last one (i. e. 4) is considered to be most apposite to the case for reasons given below:a. ‘Wu t'u’ was the name early given to Lower Burma.b. From ancient times until to-day, the Burmese had a great love for the name of ‘Hamthawaddy’.c. ‘Pegu-catechu’ was called ‘Wu-tieh-t'u’.Considerations have further been given in this report to the reason why opium is called ‘Wu t'u’, and suggestions made as to the origin of the name of ‘Po-ssu’ in South-East Asia which, like ‘Wu t'u’, may probably be the transcription of ‘waddy’ from Hamthawaddy.

著者

川根 博司 副島 林造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本アレルギー学会

雑誌

アレルギー (ISSN:00214884)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2-2, pp.405, 1994-02-28 (Released:2017-02-10)

著者

武野武治 著

出版者

三省堂

巻号頁・発行日

1967

著者

長村 光造

出版者

公益社団法人 日本金属学会

雑誌

まてりあ (ISSN:13402625)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.5, pp.392-396, 2003-05-20 (Released:2011-08-11)

参考文献数

7

著者

三省堂編輯所 編

出版者

三省堂書店

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第5巻 (した~せう), 1911

著者

SASAKI Kunio

出版者

THE FACULTY OF FISHERIES, HOKKAIDO UNIVERSITY

雑誌

MEMOIRS OF THE FACULTY OF FISHERIES HOKKAIDO UNIVERSITY (ISSN:00183466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1-2, pp.1-137, 1989-12

著者

北野 正雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本物理学会

雑誌

大学の物理教育 (ISSN:1340993X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.45-48, 2007-03-15 (Released:2018-09-15)

参考文献数

7

著者

熊野 道子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本健康心理学会

雑誌

健康心理学研究 (ISSN:09173323)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.12-23, 2005-06-25 (Released:2015-01-07)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

2 2

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This study clarifies how past life events and expected future events relate to ikigai, the Japanese word for one's sense of purpose in life. University students (n=450) responded to a questionnaire on purpose in life (PIL) and important life events. Participants were asked whether they had experienced any important life events in the previous three months, and whether they expected to experience any in the coming three months. The following was found: (1) The expectation that a negative life event would occur relates more closely to ikigai than does past negative life events. (2) When given expectations of positive future events, subjects who felt low ikigai as a result of many negative life events tended to have a greater increase in ikigai than subjects who already felt high ikigai as a result of many positive life events.