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1 0 0 0 論文必勝法:本会が刊行する論文誌について

著者: 中山泰一
雑誌: 情報処理
巻号頁・発行日: vol.60, no.9, pp.897-899, 2019-08-15

本会では,現在,12種類の論文誌(2つの基幹論文誌「ジャーナル」,「JIP」と,10種類の「トランザクション」)が刊行されている.本稿では,本会の論文誌の概要,最近の論文誌の投稿件数や採択率,「ジャーナル」と「JIP」の編集体制,編集にあたっての課題を述べる.

2019-08-15 21:21:16
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http://id.nii.ac.jp/1001/00198523/

1 0 0 0 IR 洛中洛外図屏風「東博模本」の成立事情および「朝倉本」に関する考察

著者: 小島道裕
出版者: 総合研究大学院大学文化科学研究科
雑誌: 総研大文化科学研究 (ISSN:1883096X)
巻号頁・発行日: no.5, pp.5-26[含抄録], 2009-03

2019-08-15 20:51:41
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https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/40016636796

1 0 0 0 OA Public Opinion That Cannot be “Constructed”

著者: Hitoshi Yamaguchi
出版者: Japan Society for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication
雑誌: Asian Journal of Journalism and Media Studies (ISSN:21898286)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.2, pp.44-56, 2019-05-31 (Released:2019-07-25)
参考文献数: 15

In today's democratic society, public opinion is recognized as an "object of worship." Political elites such as politicians and bureaucrats want to grasp the trends of public opinion, and will sometimes try to control it. Meanwhile, the (mass) media conducts public opinion polls, interprets them, and reports both their results and interpretation. The mass media has become an influential actor in the political process.In this paper, I will examine the concept of public opinion from a constructionist perspective. I present the view that public opinion is constructed by public opinion polls and their reports. These perspectives may not be new, but I would like to ask whether mass media can construct public opinion exclusively in the modern media environment.Based on this question, we will analyze the public opinion reports on the 48th House of Representatives election in 2017. The Asahi Shimbun and other mass media outlets questioned the election’s legitimacy; they questioned whether the election results should be taken as public opinion and they presented "real public opinion" through their own opinion polls and critically commented on the election results.However, these newspaper’ activities were criticized on the Internet. From a constructionist perspective, opinion has often been criticized as being constructed exclusively and predominantly by mass media. However, the opposite is evident in this case. Should we not consider that constructing public opinion will be increasingly difficult in the coming years?

2019-08-15 20:39:45
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1 0 0 0 OA 鉱物油の免疫学的影響

著者: 黒田嘉紀
出版者: 宮崎大学
雑誌: 挑戦的萌芽研究
巻号頁・発行日: 2015-04-01

鉱物油の免疫学的影響について、鉱物油を投与したマウスの腹腔細胞、脾臓細胞を使用しT細胞、マクロファージ細胞及びB細胞への影響についてFCMを使用し、細胞表面レセプターについて検討した。T細胞ではCD28、ICOS、CD40L、PD1が増加していた。またマクロファージ及びB細胞についてはCD28、ICOS、CD40LのリガンドであるICOS-L、CD40、PD-L1 PD-L2はいずれも低下していた。これらの結果からT細胞は刺激され、マクロファージ細胞及びB細胞抑制される可能性が示唆された。

2019-08-15 20:36:32
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https://kaken.nii.ac.jp/grant/KAKENHI-PROJECT-15K15238/

1 0 0 0 OA 親の養育態度の認知は社会的適応にどのように反映されるのか:内的作業モデルの媒介効果

著者: 島義弘
出版者: 一般社団法人日本発達心理学会
雑誌: 発達心理学研究 (ISSN:09159029)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.25, no.3, pp.260-267, 2014 (Released:2016-09-20)
参考文献数: 40
被引用文献数: 1

親の養育態度は子どもの社会的適応に影響を与えている。これまでに,親の養育態度の認知が子どものアタッチメントに影響を与えること,及び子どものアタッチメントが自身の社会的適応に影響を与えることが示されていることから,本研究では親の養育態度と子どもの社会的適応の関連が内的作業モデルによって媒介されているというモデルを設定し,大学生191名を対象とした質問紙調査を行った。その結果,親のケアを低く評価しているほど内的作業モデルの“回避”が高く,親を過保護であると認知しているほど内的作業モデルの“不安”が高かった。さらに,内的作業モデルの“不安”が高いほど個人的適応の指標である自尊感情が低く,対人的適応の指標である友人関係における“傷つけられることの回避”が高かった。また,“回避”が高いほど自尊感情が低く,友人関係における“自己閉鎖”と“傷つけられることの回避”が高かった。以上のことから,親の養育態度をネガティブに評価していることが不安定な内的作業モデルにつながり,内的作業モデルが不安定であることが社会的適応を困難にするというモデルが成立することが示された。

2019-08-15 20:06:00
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1 0 0 0 太陽の季節

著者: 石原慎太郎著
出版者: 新潮社
巻号頁・発行日: 1956

2019-08-15 20:01:27
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1 0 0 0 「3・11」と歴史学

著者: 研究会「戦後派第一世代の歴史研究者は21世紀に何をなすべきか」編
出版者: 有志舎
巻号頁・発行日: 2013

2019-08-15 19:58:00
1 はてなブックマーク

https://ci.nii.ac.jp/ncid/BB13707253

1 0 0 0 OA 地方勤労協議会建議集

出版者: 大日本産業報国会
巻号頁・発行日: 1943

2019-08-15 19:40:36
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1 0 0 0 中世災害・戦乱の社会史

著者: 峰岸純夫著
出版者: 吉川弘文館
巻号頁・発行日: 2011

2019-08-15 19:31:00
1 はてなブックマーク

https://ci.nii.ac.jp/ncid/BB05916258

1 0 0 0 「引き留められた帝国」としての英国:コモンウェルスからの撤退政策、一九七四―七五年

著者: 篠崎正郎
出版者: 一般財団法人日本国際政治学会
雑誌: 国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.2011, no.164, pp.164_29-42, 2011

It is widely believed that the United Kingdom had decided to retreat from “East of Suez” in January 1968. It planned to withdraw all its forces stationed in South-Eastern Asia and Middle East by the end of 1971. However, the next Heath government made a small change in this policy, left some forces in the area and maintained military commitment beyond 1971. These forces were finally withdrawn by Harold Wilson who was back in power in March 1974. Few studies, however, mention the British forces in the “East of Suez” after 1968. This thesis clarifies the detail and the logic through the policy of retrenchment from 1974 to 1975.<br>The Conservative government decided to maintain military commitment in the “East of Suez.” First, there were still lots of British bases in South-Eastern Asia, Indian Ocean and Middle East though the force level was reduced. Second, the United Kingdom retained the general capability which would be available to be deployed outside Europe. Finally, there were regional organisations like CENTO or FPDA (Five Power Defence Arrangements) which enabled the United Kingdom to cooperate with the local countries.<br>However, the British economy in the 1970s could not support these commitments. Roy Mason, the Secretary of State for Defence in the Labour government, began the Defence Review as soon as he entered office. The principal object of the Review was to reduce defence budget from 5.5% to 4.5% of GNP in the next 10 years. The non-NATO commitments were preferred to be cut since the British government tried to concentrate its defence efforts in the NATO area. In addition, he also decided to abandon the reinforcement capabilities outside NATO.<br>The Defence Review was so drastic that it needed consultation with allies. However, the negotiations were not easy. Most countries tried to keep the British forces in the “East of Suez” because they recognised the importance of the British presence. The United States was concerned about the abandonment of intervention capability outside NATO and desired the British presence in the Mediterranean. As a result, the British government compromised with some of these demands and decided to stay in some areas. Apart from this concession, the British government could carry out the withdrawal as it originally planned.<br>This study indicates the British aspect as an “Empire detained”. British departure was regretted not only by the United States but also by the Commonwealth countries. Britain's retreat from the Commonwealth marks the transformation of British external policy from the world to the Atlantic community.