著者

クーチャルーンパイブーン シリヌット

出版者

日本タイ学会

雑誌

年報タイ研究 = The journal of Thai studies (ISSN:18832121)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.37-57, 2015

著者

北村 由美

出版者

日本図書館研究会

雑誌

図書館界 (ISSN:00409669)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.5, pp.312-324, 2015-01-01

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本稿は,アメリカで最も重要な東南アジアコレクションの一つであるコーネル大学図書館ジョン・M.エコルス・東南アジアコレクションの分析を通して,冷戦下におけるアメリカの学問の進展と大学図書館の役割について考察することを目的としている。冷戦下における学問の発展については,冷戦終了以降数多くの批判的検討がなされてきているが,図書館という学術情報基盤を通した考察はほとんど見当たらない。本稿では,第2次世界大戦後からベトナム戦争期にかけて東南アジア研究発展の経緯を俯瞰した後,ジョン・M.エコルス・東南アジアコレクションの設立と発展の経緯を辿る。

著者

八尾 隆生

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.39-75, 2015-06

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The first half of the period from 1450 to 1680, which was called "the Age of Commerce" by Anthony Reid, corresponds to the first half of the Le era in Dai Viet (Vietnam). In scholarship on Vietnamese history, the viewpoints of historians who focus on the landmass or a single nation have been the mainstream, so the relations between the outer maritime world in the East and Southeast Asia and the foreign policy of the Le government, especially of the most prosperous reign of King Le Thanh Tong, have yet to be fully analyzed. In recent years, however, the number of studies from the viewpoint of maritime history, using the outcome of the research on ceramics trade and emphasizing the importance of the existence of the Ming empire and the Ryukyu kingdom has increased. This essay will employ the limited number of records in the Vietnamese chronicles and laws as well as information from newly introduced inscriptions to indicate the following points. According to an analysis of the foreign trade policy in the first half of the Le era and the aim of the military expansionist policy of King Thanh Tong, we see that the Le government also took administrative control of foreign trade, issuing a "sea ban" similar to the haijin policy of the Ming, though less rigorously enforced. The government, however, had to cooperate with illegal trade ships that resisted the Ming ban to export new commodities like ceramics. Ryukyu kingdom, which played an important role in the fifteenth century maritime world of Southeast Asia, did not maintain an official trade relationship with Dai Viet because the kingdom had been established as a new trade center with the aid of Ming empire and Dai Viet had continued its dispute with the Ming from the time of its founding. With respect to the military expansion policy of King Thanh Tong, we cannot deny the possibility that he sharpened his consciousness of being a "Middle Kingdom" and succeeded in exploiting commodities from small peripheral "vassal states" in the tribute system for a short time. However, it is not possible to conclude whether his policy of military expansion was closely link to the foreign trade policy because research on this point has been insufficient.

著者

早澤 茂

出版者

大阪市立大学大学院文学研究科都市文化研究センター

雑誌

都市文化研究 = Studies in urban cultures (ISSN:13483293)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.52-67, 2015-03

著者

山下 聖美

出版者

日本大学芸術学部

雑誌

日本大学芸術学部紀要 = Research in arts (ISSN:03855910)

巻号頁・発行日

no.62, pp.5-12, 2015

著者

中野 聡

出版者

歴史教育者協議会

雑誌

歴史地理教育 (ISSN:02881535)

巻号頁・発行日

no.829, pp.4-11, 2015-01

著者

太田 淳

出版者

広島大学大学院文学研究科総合人間学講座

雑誌

比較日本文化学研究 (ISSN:18828701)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.263-277, 2015

著者

稲村 務 Inamura Tsutomu

出版者

琉球大学法文学部

雑誌

地理歴史人類学論集 (ISSN:21858535)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.41-63, 2015

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主として紅河州の土司遺跡の調査資料とラオスの調査資料を示した。中国南部を中心に近代国家以前の政体をこれまでの東南アジアの政体モデルの検討を通じて、特にJ.スコットの所論を基に、「盆地国家連合」「山稜交易国家」という理念型でとらえなおした。これまで静態的に捉えられてきたハニとアカの文化を「切れながら繋がる統治されないための術」と解釈しなおすことを通じて両者を架橋する新しい山地民像を提示した。未公開:論文中の図1~8,写真1~6は著者の意向により削除

著者

海 阿虎

出版者

広島史学研究会

雑誌

史学研究 = Review of historical studies (ISSN:03869342)

巻号頁・発行日

no.290, pp.1-18, 2015-12

著者

青木 雅浩

出版者

近現代東北アジア地域史研究会

雑誌

News letter (ISSN:13451596)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.107-109, 2015-12

著者

橘 誠

出版者

下関市立大学学会

雑誌

下関市立大学論集 (ISSN:03875296)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.93-103, 2015-05

著者

橘 誠

出版者

下関市立大学学会

雑誌

下関市立大学論集 (ISSN:03875296)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.93-103, 2015-05

著者

塩野崎 信也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2015

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It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.<br> The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal <i>Keshkul</i> (<i>Dervish Bowl</i>), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.<br> Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

著者

塩野﨑 信也

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2014

著者

長沼 秀幸

出版者

北海道大学スラブ・ユーラシア研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 = Slavic studies (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

no.62, pp.197-218, 2015

著者

早川 尚志

出版者

内陸アジア史学会

雑誌

内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.23-49, 2015-03-31

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As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the TimuridDynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations.This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly,and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the TimuridDynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relateit to a unit called farsaḫ or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynastycould retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examinethe system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, howsuch permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of suchpermission, and the support of the šiqāʾūls.The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web ofpostal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable informationas quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.

著者

早川 尚志

出版者

内陸アジア史学会

雑誌

内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.23-49, 2015

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As is usually the case with Inner Asian dynasties that ruled vast territories, the Timurid&#13;Dynasty operated a postal system, which encompassed an extensive web of postal stations.&#13;This system was instrumental in allowing the Timurids to acquire information rapidly,&#13;and it also facilitated the movement of both military personnel and civilians. The system was also used for time-tracking: For instance, citing how many postal stations there were between two cities proved to be a relatively reliable way of calculating distance. This truly demonstrates the importance of the postal system under the Timurid&#13;Dynasty, especially as far as transport is concerned. In this paper, I examine the postal station as a criterion of time-tracking and relate&#13;it to a unit called farsaḫ or farsang. I also discuss the way in which the Timurid Dynasty&#13;could retain and manage the postal station as a constant criterion. Specifically, I examine&#13;the system of postal stations, the permission needed in order to conduct a journey, how&#13;such permission was acquired, who could supply such permission, the benefits of such&#13;permission, and the support of the šiqāʾūls.&#13;The results of my investigation demonstrate how the Timurid rulers kept this web of&#13;postal stations in their lands and how they used them in order to obtain valuable information&#13;as quickly as possible, especially during emergencies.

著者

大西 啓司

出版者

龍谷大学東洋史学研究会

雑誌

東洋史苑 (ISSN:03876403)

巻号頁・発行日

no.83, pp.49-75, 2015-02

著者

福井 敏

出版者

大谷大学真宗総合研究所

雑誌

真宗総合研究所研究紀要 (ISSN:13432753)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.301-314, 2013

著者

白 玉冬

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12