著者

山内 暁子

出版者

京都大学大学院文学研究科

雑誌

西洋古代史研究 = Acta academiae antiquitatis Kiotoensis (ISSN:13468405)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.43-53, 2012-12-01

著者

島野 達雄 湯城 吉信

出版者

大阪府立工業高等専門学校

雑誌

大阪府立工業高等専門学校研究紀要 (ISSN:0387365X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.25-28, 2007-07-31

著者

羽鳥 徳太郎

出版者

東京大学地震研究所

雑誌

東京大學地震研究所彙報 = Bulletin of the Earthquake Research Institute, University of Tokyo (ISSN:00408972)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.87-95, 1985-09-05

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1984月6年13日,鳥島近海地震(M=5.9)によって,伊豆諸島をはじめ,房総から四国に至る沿岸各地の検潮所で全振幅10~57cm,周期5~9分の津波が観測された.また,八丈島の八重根漁港では,最大波の全振幅130~150cmの津波が目撃された.検潮記録によれば,津波マグニチュードはm=0と格付けされ,地震規模に対して津波が異常に大きい“津波地震”であった.波源域は須美寿島(八丈島南方190km)西側の水深1,000mの伊豆・小笠原海嶺にあり,波源域の長さは25kmと推定される.津波初動の押し引き分布から判断して,波源の西側の海底が隆起し,東側が沈降したとみなされる.

著者

羽鳥 徳太郎

出版者

東京大学地震研究所

雑誌

東京大學地震研究所彙報 = Bulletin of the Earthquake Research Institute, University of Tokyo (ISSN:00408972)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.297-309, 1988-01-29

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寛政5年1月7日(1793年2月17日)宮城沖に発生した地震の震度分布およびそれに伴う津波の高さを,新史料をもとに調べ,近年の宮城沖地震との比較から地震と津波の規模および波源域を考察した.各地の史料を調べた結果,震度5の範囲は岩手県中部から福島県北部に至る内陸部に分布し,震度4の範囲は東北地方から関東地方に広くまたがることが示された.1933年三陸地震・1978年宮城県沖地震などの震度分布との比較から,寛政地震のマグニチュードはM=7.8と推定された.一方,この地震に伴う津波の高さは,岩手県中部~牡鹿半島沿岸で3~5m,福島県沿岸では2~3mと推定された.筆者の方法(羽鳥,1986)によれば,津波マグュチュード(今村・飯田スケール)はm=2.5と見つもられ(1968年十勝沖津波と同じ規模),従来推定されていた値よりもやや大きい.震度および津波の高さの分布から,波源域は1897年8月の宮城沖津波の波源域を含むかたちで海溝付近にあり,長さ200km,幅80km程度の大きさであったと考えられる.

著者

ボート W. J.

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

東アジア文化交渉研究 別冊 = Journal of East Asian cultural interaction studies (ISSN:18827756)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.47-60, 2009-03-31

著者

西村 昌也

出版者

関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点(ICIS)

雑誌

周縁の文化交渉学シリーズ1 『東アジアの茶飲文化と茶業』

巻号頁・発行日

pp.75-93, 2011-03-31

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中国文化の影響の強いベトナムでは、中国の茶飲習慣受容や茶自体の輸入を古くから行っている。その一方、生茶、竹筒茶、さらには茶とは別種の植物の葉を用いる苦茶などの茶的飲料など独特の茶飲習慣もみられる。東アジア的視点では9 -10世紀頃の越州窯系陶磁器の輸出にともなう茶飲習慣あるいは茶器セットの伝来、17世紀後半から18世紀にかけての煎茶的飲茶習慣の伝来が、ベトナム茶飲史における大きな画期になっていると思われる。また李陳朝以来、仏教(禅宗)との関係も深い。そして、フランス植民地時代には茶業の大規模な拡大があり、それが今日の茶飲慣習の普遍化を促進している。

著者

小澤 実

出版者

バルト=スカンディナヴィア研究会

雑誌

北欧史研究

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.1-19, 2004

著者

薬袋 秀樹 Hideki MINAI

雑誌

三田図書館・情報学会研究大会発表論文集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, pp.49-52, 2019-11-19

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裏田武夫・小川剛編『図書館法成立史資料』(1968)は、図書館法案検討の最終段階の法案として、国会に上程された「図書館法案」とその前の「図書館法案要綱」を収録しているが、岡田温は、同書に収録されていない「図書館法案((秘)研究用)」と「図書館法情報第8号 別紙」を紹介している。本研究の目的は、後者の2点の資料がどの段階で作成され、どのような内容であったかを明らかにすることである。関係資料から法案の修正経過を明らかにし、「図書館法案」等4点の資料を比較し修正内容を明らかにした。主要な成果は次の通りである。1)修正経過:「研究用」は1月25日に国庫補助関係の規定が確定した段階の法案、「第8号 別紙」は、GSの意見を容れた2月25日の修正内容と考えられる。「図書館法案要綱」→12.27法案→1.4内閣法制局審議用原案→国庫補助関係規定の追加→「研究用」→「第8号 別紙」の修正→「図書館法案」の順である。2)修正内容:「研究用」では、認可制、司書検定等の規定が削除され、司書講習、補助金、望ましい基準等の規定が設けられた。「第8号 別紙」では、公立図書館長の司書資格、司書・司書補の配置を義務付けた規定が各々条件付きに修正された。

著者

齋藤 厚

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.113-137, 2001

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During the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994, Muslims there decided to give a new name to the language which they spoke. This decision was taken together with the change of their ethnic name. "Bosnian" (Bosanski) replaced Serbo-Croatian as the official name of their language, while "Bosniacs" (Bošnjaci) was adopted as their new national name. Bosniacs continued to use the linguistic elements of Serbo-Croatian even after its nominal change. At that time, it was uncertain whether they would seek to create purely Bosnian linguistic elements. The first orthographical textbook of Bosnian was published in the autumn of 1996. Some minor changes were added to the linguistic elements of Serbo-Croatian in this textbook. Despite its publication, some questions about Bosnian remain unclear. One is whether Bosnian is to be considered a distinct language or it is no more than a new name of Serbo-Croatian. Another is why the new language name does not correspond to the new national name. In this paper I have tried to answer these questions by examining the linguistic, historical, and political background of Bosnian. The paper also reconsiders the role of language in ethnic identity because the case of Bosnian is a rare one: a nation based on religion has tried to create its own language later. The first chapter indicates the linguistic features of Serbo-Croatian in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is the base of Bosnian. Serbo-Croatian was established as the common language of the region's Serbs, Croats, Muslims, and Montenegrins in the late 19th century. It is a single, standard language with two major variants (the western or Croatian and eastern or Serbian variants) and two varieties (that spoken in Bosnia-Herzegovina and that in Montenegro). Standard Serbo-Croatian is based on the dialect spoken extensively in eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina and western Serbia. The variants contain many words exclusive to themselves, while the varieties blend elements of both variants. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbs, Croats, and Muslims speak the same Bosnian language variety. It is almost impossible to distinguish a Serb from a Croat from a Muslim by their speech alone, because the ethnic distribution was very mixed and their dialects vary geographically, not ethnically. In the Bosnian language variety it is acceptable/common to use and mix elements of both variants. The second chapter reviews the recent history of arguments and policies about Bosnian language. Despite the above language situation, certain Muslim linguists argued that Bosnian should be recognized as a distinct language in the 1970's. The authorities in the late 19th century, too, once attempted to create a Bosnian language. Bosnian was chosen for the name of the official language in Bosnia-Herzegovina soon after the start of the Habsburgs' rule there. Benjamin Kallay, who served as governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1882 to 1903, believed the necessity of a separate Bosnian national identity among the population and therefore decided to create a Bosniac people and a Bosnian language. At that time, Serbs called their mother tongue Serbian and used a Cyrillic-phonetic alphabet, Croats called it Croatian and used a Latin-etymological alphabet, and Muslims called it Bosnian or Serbian or Croatian and used an Arabic or a Cyrillic-phonetic alphabet. In order to standardize their common spoken language as Bosnian, Kallay and his government decided to adopt a Latin-phonetic alphabet and established the Committee for the Bosnian Language. The work of this committee resulted in the publication of a Grammar of Bosnian Language for High Schools in 1890. Though this textbook was widely used, many problems related to the name of the language arose. Serbs and Croats were strongly against the name Bosnian, and they refused to call their language as such not only in high schools but also in public life. Some Muslim intellectuals positively accepted this name, but most of the Muslim population were not like them. Thus, Kallay's attempt proved unsuccessful in its early stage, and no more important measures were taken after that. In 1907, 4 years since Kallay's death, the official language in Bosnia-Herzegovina was renamed from Bosnian to Serbo-Croatian. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia founded in 1918 did not recognize neither nationality nor particularity of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In spite of such situation, they never relied on the former unsuccessful names of "Bosniacs" and "Bosnian". They continued to keep a distance from these names after World War II in Socialist Yugoslavia for decades. The name "Bosnian language" was revived in the early 1970's, this being catalyzed by the proclamation of a Muslim nationality and by various national movements in other federal units. At this time, Bosnian was perceived particulary as the language of Muslims. Though some Muslim linguists insisted that it needed to put back the voiced h wherever it was suspected one might have existed, they could not present any good examples. Others even admitted that it would be difficult for Bosnian to have its own elements. They did not insist on the use of the name Bosniac nation along with Bosnian, because they regarded it as a negation of the Muslim national conciousness. The third chapter surveys the change of national and linguistic identity of Muslims in the process of disintegration in ex-Yugoslavia, and examines how Bosnian has been created and used. Influenced by the increasingly fluid politics in the late 1980's, the national and linguistic identitiey of Muslims started to be shaken. Many questions related to their nationality and language were raised, especially after the collapse of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the beginning of 1990. Muslims themseives once decided to keep the existing names of "Muslim nation" and "Serbo-Croatian language" after several controversies. But the outbreak of war in Bosnia-Herzegovina brought about another situation. During the war in 1993, two events occured which later made Muslims change their national and language names. One was the start of the conflict with Croats, their former ally against Serbs. This new coflict made Muslims seek a language name other than Serbo-Croatian. The other was the publication of a paper named "The Clash of Civilizations?" by Huntington. It strengthened the anti-Islam tendency among Westerners, and their strong bias forced Muslims to seek another national name. In the next year, Muslims dared to adopt the new names of Bosniacs and Bosnian, which they had long avoided using. These names were adopted without any strong opposition despite their negative past and implications. Some pretexts were formed for the use of these names by Muslim intellectuals. They explained that the Bosniac national name, which implied a supranational concept, could be used by Muslims exclusively because Serbs and Croats would not identify themselves as such any more. They also insisted that the language had to be Bosnian, not Bosniac, because it would be regarded as a mother tongue not only by Bosniacs but also by members of other nations in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Until the publication of its first orthographical textbook in 1996, Bosnian was de facto a new name added to Serbo-Croatian. But it became clear that Muslims, now Bosniacs, wanted Bosnian to be exclusively their language in this textbook. New elements were invented in it, through changing some orthographic rules, or putting back the voiced h wherever it was suspected one might have existed in the distant past. Though Bosnian was created in such way, its new elements are not always used. Interventions in the language were too late and subtle. In addition, the authorities have not formed a concrete language policy, and the Bosniac population is not eager to use them. Considering these conditions, it is impossible to regard Bosnian as a distinct language. It is also hard to foresee that Bosnian will become more distinct in the near future, because there are no signs of change in these conditions for the time being. It was not easy for Bosnian to be created from the beginning. Since standard Serbo-Croatian is based on the dialect in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bosnian could not pick up enough peculiar elements from this dialect. Furthermore, Bosnian had great difficulty in finding elements exclusive to Muslims/Bosniacs in this dialect which is shared by the three nations.

著者

崎山 理

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.274-292, 1969-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

山影 進

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.3-21, 1980-06

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

村井 誠人

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1-38, 1992

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(02401010) 平成三年度科学研究費補助金(一般研究A)研究成果報告書 研究代表者村井誠人(早稲田大学文学部教授)

著者

森 新之介

出版者

早稲田大学高等研究所

雑誌

早稲田大学高等研究所紀要 (ISSN:18835163)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.190-185, 2020-03-15

著者

新井 高志 Takashi Arai

出版者

創価大学大学院

雑誌

創価大学大学院紀要 = The bulletin of the Graduate School, Soka University (ISSN:03883035)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.97-123, 2008-02-27

著者

竹井 沙織 小長井 晶子 御代田 桜子 TAKEI Saori KONAGAI Akiko MIYOTA Sakurako

出版者

名古屋大学大学院教育発達科学研究科

雑誌

名古屋大学大学院教育発達科学研究科紀要. 教育科学 (ISSN:13460307)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.85-95, 2019-03-31

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the dilemma of guaranteeing both “learning” and a “place of belonging” in a study support project, taking into consideration the logic of “education” and the logic of “inactivity.” This research illustrates what aspects of “learning” and a “place of belonging” were present in the project in X City. The findings of this study are as follows; The aim of the study support project in X City included support for study as well as an emphasis on creating a “place of belonging.” The logic of “education” and the logic of “inactivity” crossed intentions of supporting for “learning” and “place of belonging” in the project. Program supporters struggled to address the gap between the two logic behind their behavior. For example, where a child is guaranteed a “place of belonging,” the logic of “inactivity” prevailed. However, since the program was a study support project, an emphasis on learning suggests the importance of study, motivation, and empowerment. Consequently, supporters felt conflict between the logic behind desiring to promote “education” and that of allowing “inactivity.” How to address the underlying logical conflict between the logic of “education” and the logic of “inactivity” suggests the need to set goals that include “learning” and “place of belonging.”

著者

城田 俊

出版者

北海道大学教養部人文科学論集編集委員会

雑誌

北海道大学人文科学論集 (ISSN:03856038)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.123-152, 1979-03-21

著者

井浪 義博

出版者

富山大学

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1-105, 2013-06-05

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富山大学・富医薬博甲第113号・井浪義博・2013/06/05

著者

狭間 直樹

出版者

霞山会

雑誌

東亜 (ISSN:03873862)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.414, pp.56-75, 2001-12

著者

仲正 昌樹

出版者

金沢大学法学部 = The Faculty of Law, University of Kanazawa

雑誌

金沢法学 = Kanazawa law review (ISSN:0451324X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.89-136, 2001-03-31

著者

川喜田 敦子 KAWAKITA Atsuko

出版者

名古屋大学大学院法学研究科

雑誌

名古屋大學法政論集 (ISSN:04395905)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.260, pp.165-187, 2015-02-25

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本論文は、平成23-26年度科学研究費補助金基盤研究(A)(課題番号23243026)「日米特殊関係による東アジア地域再編の政治経済史研究」の助成を受けた研究成果の一部である。