著者
羽山 久男
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, pp.13-26, 1978 (Released:2017-04-15)

The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of disposal of feudal clan's forest, the utilization and ownership of them thereafter, and the formation of commual forest in the early period of Meiji era. The followings have been confirmed: (1) Tonogouchi Ohayashi(about 1,600 ha), one of the feudal clan's forest, was established in the upper area of the river Katsuura. Tokushima Prefecture. In the early period of Edo era the villagers of Sezu-mura lived on slash-and-bum cultivation and petty farming on sloping land, and had their commural forest. (2) The slash-and-burn cultivation in Sezu-mura, from Edo era to Meiji era, was very important for dependent peasants as well as independent ones. Comparatively low productivity of slash-and-burn cultivation here was one of the reasons why the clan forest was disposed as a whole to the lumberer (Mr. Nishioka) of Tokushima in the early Meiji era. If the slash-and-burn cultivation here had had high productivity, the clan forest should have almost become the possession of villagers. (3) In Awa clan, all of the feudal clan forest were disposed in 1869 before the abolition of clans and establishment of the prefecture. From 1869 to 1870, private forest which had been permitted to be possessed of private owners by Awa clan in Edo era, and communal forest were disposed by Awa clan. (4) Tonogouchi clan's forest was sold to the lumberer who was politically connected with Awa clan at the beginning of Meiji era. Only ten percent of the forest under discussion was sold to the officers of the nearby villages. Later on, during the middle Meiji era (1887-1893), the higher class of villagers bought the forest back from the lumberer. From 1897 to 1925, they sold it out. At the end of Meiji era (1911), Mr. Hara, a lumber merchant in Tokushima city bought it all. And then, in 1927, it came into possession Nagao lumbering industry. (5) In 1909, in order to develop vast natural forests and charcoal, and communal forest of Sezu-mura, Mr. Hara founded the railway through the Tonogouchi forests, for the first time in Tokushima Prefecture. Stimulated by this railway, the lumberers built more than seven sawmills in these villages, and turned natural forests into planted on in Taisho era. (6) Sezu communal forests (130 ha) which was established in clan's forest in Bunsei era (1818-1829) has remained, through the strong control of the community. Planted sedar trees and trees for charcoal in the communal forest were sold respectively to the lumberers and charcoal makers in the villages. Sedar trees were planted by the villagers and peasants of Ikumi-mura (Sesu-mura, Nogiri-mura, Kubo-mura and Kashihara-mura were united as Ikumi-mura in 1874).
著者
成瀬 厚
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.98-114, 2004-04-28 (Released:2017-04-15)
参考文献数
56
被引用文献数
1

This paper consisted of two parts. In the first part, I overviewed some studies of histories of geography. These studies paid attentions to the linguistic figurations (trope, rhetoric and metaphor) of academic descriptions, and pointed out that the forms of the past geographical works deeply intertwined the contents as the academic insistences and that behind the adoption of the specific form, the particular ideological implication did existed. The aim of this paper was to apply these arguments to the popular geographic descriptions outside academy. Though these studies focused the texualities of historical works. I centered the smaller tropes as level of one sentence. This was caused by my interest what kind of role place name as a noun plays in a sentence grammatically, and by critical comments toward the arguments about tropes. These critical comments were that the explanations about metaphor were inevitably metaphorical, and that the ideas which metaphor is needed to express a new insight assumes the meaning of a word. The second part of this paper is an analysis of the popular geographical descriptions. The object of this study is the dty guide, Tokyo Sightseeing published by Japanese publisher, Magazine House Inc. in 2002. It has characteristics of magazine and tourist guide. This text which described Tokyo as a city in English and Japanese and supposed readers of foreigners in Japan was constituted from the lot of sentences. These sentences were that the names which ranged from proper to general referred the various geographical objects from state to city and to facilities. The word of place as a general name was used as a spot to do something concrete. Place names as proper name (Odaiba, Shibuya, Roppongi) were used the destination of public transportation and the area where the reader walks around. In these description of specific behavior, Tokyo as a word of city was not appeared. 0n the other hand, at the moment that the shocks the foreign tourist encountered transformed into the recognition of cultural differences, national cultures were appeared. As a notion of national culture has a different abstract level from cartographic recognition, it was used against the idea that the name of smaller geographical scale appears easily in the sentence which expresses our familiar behavior. Between place and national culture, the word, Tokyo situated a position of the title of this text as a proper name which is able to displace the word of city as a general name, and became a Mater-Signifier.
著者
杉山 和明
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.4, pp.239-259, 2008-10-28

本稿の課題は,英語圏人文地理学における農村性と若者に関する研究の枠組みを援用しつつ,浜松都市圏東部に暮らす高校生を調査参加者として,かれらが日頃訪れるさまざまな場所についての語りを取り上げ,若者集団の主体的な行動を明らかにするとともに,それらの空間に対していかなる意味づけを行い,どのような場所感覚を抱くのかを考察することである。注目すべき調査結果として挙げられるのは以下の3点である。第一に,都市性/農村性の相対性の意識が認められ,都市性と農村性の対比が日常の場所感覚のなかで常に関係づけられていること,第二に,こうした都市性/農村性の意識をもたらす背景にあるのは,かれらの暮らす近隣住区に均質化された消費空間の進出が続いており,かれらにとって肯定的な意味が付与された場所となっていること,第三に,空間行動では男子高校生に比べて女子高校生の移動性が優位であり,学年による行動領域の階層が認められたことである。
著者
中澤 高志 阿部 誠 石井 まこと
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1-21, 2009-01-28

The purpose of this study is to investigate the work experiences of the graduates of two vocational high schools in Oita prefecture in the context of the local labor market. J industrial high school is located in Nakatsu City, where the local labor market is buoyant because of the recent establishment of an automobile plant, whereas K commercial high school is situated in Oita City, which is the prefectural capital and boasts a population of 470,000. We interviewed 10 graduates from each vocational high school. Most of them were in their early twenties and had graduated from the high schools when the labor market was quite stagnant. The graduates of J high school whom we interviewed were all male. The typical job of this school's graduates was working as fabrication workers in manufacturing plants. Some of them were compelled to quit the job owing to the monotonous and intense operations or personal problems in the workplace; on the other hand, for others, it was their first job, and they were developing their occupational skills. The main factor that differentiated the two types of work experiences was not personal employability but the status of labor management and human relationships in the workplace. Most of the J high school graduates said that the vocational curriculums in the high schools were not helpful in their jobs in the manufacturing plants. However, they considered the manufacturing jobs to be suitable for the graduates of industrial high schools, such as themselves. They often changed their jobs, but were mainly employed in manufacturing plants. The graduates of K high school whom we interviewed were all female. For all but one interviewee of this school, the current job was their first job. Their typical job entailed working as support staff in the offices of local companies. They planned to quit their jobs when they got married or had children. Although they hoped to follow this course in life, it can be assumed that their jobs and workplaces were not challenging enough, and hence, they did not feel motivated to continue working after marriage or childbirth. Although most of the K high school graduates, similar to the J high school graduates, said that the vocational curriculums were not directly helpful in their workplaces, the business classes helped them develop a positive attitude toward their work in the office. Judging from the accounts of the graduates of the two vocational high schools, the vocational high schools gave the students the ideal environment to develop a positive attitude toward work and an occupational identity, rather than serving as a place where specific knowledge and skills, which were necessary for a specific occupation, could be acquired. Hence, we can conclude that in the context of the local labor markets, the role of the vocational high schools is to prepare graduates who could be immediately absorbed in a specific sector of the local labor markets.
著者
高木 彰彦
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.272-288, 1995
参考文献数
15
被引用文献数
1
著者
成瀬 厚
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.1, pp.1-23, 2012-01-28

In this paper, I focused on a town, Shimokitazawa. By examining the activities of musicians there, I considered the relationship between the urban user and the place. A pop musician's occupation is singing her/his songs repeatedly. As the facilities where they play their music are scattered around the city, they move around as mobile laborers in a similar manner like nomads. Therefore, the audiences who appreciate the performance of the musicians are called mobile consumers. To understand some of these actual situations, I investigated the facilities that hold such music performances in Shimokitazawa and the behaviors of three musicians who give these performances around the town and an audience. I considered the relationship between the musicians and Shimokitazawa by focusing on the former's practices in their music performances, especially in 2005 and the musical landscape depicted in their songs. The upsurge of the redevelopment problem was observed in Shimokitazawa around 2005. As a result, it can be said that music played the significant role in the development of people's connections with the musicians, and of positive associations of the musicians with the town.
著者
吉田 容子
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.4, pp.245-265, 2010-10-28

The purpose of this paper is to examine people's views on "panpans" (prostitutes), pimps, and the American soldiers who frequented the amusement street neighboring the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center, which was established on May 1, 1952, for American soldiers returning from the Korean War. The paper also presents the negative effects of the panpans, pimps, and soldiers on the local residents and Nara, an ancient city and a tourist destination, and clarifies how the local residents, Nara city, Nara Prefecture, and the Japanese government handled these effects. The amusement street appeared as soon as the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center was set up in the former town of Yokoryou-chou in Nara city. Two main local newspapers reported that some groups of pimps and their panpans tempted American soldiers in the amusement street, and then the local residents thought pimps and panpans were immoral. It can be said that the amusement street was a place where panpans sold themselves to American soldiers. The local residents became anxious about the amusement street, because in addition to causing educational problems for their children, it spoiled the image of Nara as an age-old and a tourist city. The local residents blamed the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center for the presence of the amusement street and demanded the relocation/abolition of the center. It is interesting to note that the Nara UNESCO cooperation meeting assumed a leading role in the demand for the relocation/abolition of the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center, citing the effect of the amusement street, with its panpans and pimps, on the children's education as the main reason. The cooperation meeting was originally a civic organization that strived to preserve and protect the culture and natural heritage of Nara, and so it emphasized the necessity of protecting the old culture of Nara. It demanded that the center not be relocated but abolished. It can be said that some of the activities in the demand for the relocation/abolition of the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center were done in the different context, protecting the old culture, from the practices at Yokohama and Kokura. From a viewpoint of gender, it should be pointed out that the problem which panpans could not but sell themselves to American soldiers was not discussed in the activities that demanded for the relocation/abolition of the Nara Rest and Recuperation Center. The local residents of the amusement street as well as its managers, panpans, and pimps were deceived when the Japanese government and U.S. Forces authorities suddenly changed their manner of dealing with the center. Soon after the official announcement that the Rest and Recuperation Center was moved from Yokoryou-chou in Nara to the city of Kobe, it was decided that the U.S. Armed Forces Marine Corps be stationed in Nara city for a while. The marines in Nara actually went to private houses and hospitals at midnight and asked for women. This suggests that so long as an army exists, the problems of gender over violence and sex, which military affairs contained, cannot be solved.
著者
パン ティ ビン 神谷 浩夫 朴 順湖
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.2, pp.69-94, 2013-05-28

近年,結婚のために韓国に移住するベトナム人女性が急増している。ベトナム人女性結婚移民者の渡韓が母国の家族の経済状況を改善したことは,すでにベトナムにおける多くの研究で明らかにされている。しかしながら,ベトナム人女性結婚移民者自身の韓国での経済状況に関する研究は少ない。そこで本稿では韓国在住のベトナム人花嫁の経済状況に関する調査をおこなった。最初にベトナムと韓国の間の結婚移動の実態を明らかにし,次いで韓国での豊かな生活に対するベトナム人花嫁の期待と実際の彼女たちの韓国での生活の違いを明らかにする。渡韓以前,ベトナム人女性結婚移民者は自分自身の経済状況を改善し,また母国の家族を支えるためにも韓国で豊かな経済状況を獲得することを期待している。しかしながら,彼女たちが結婚した韓国人の夫の多くは社会-経済的に韓国社会の最下層の階級に属しているため,ほとんどのベトナム人女性結婚移民者は渡韓後に経済的な困難に直面していることが明らかとなった。最後に,ベトナム人女性結婚移民者自身が韓国における自分たちの経済状況をどのように評価しているのかを分析した。彼女たちの声からは,期待したほど母国の家族に送金できないため,多くのベトナム人女性結婚移民者が韓国での経済状況に失望していることが明らかとなった。韓国におけるベトナム人女性結婚移民者の経済状況の改善と結婚生活の安定には,夫の一定の所得水準に加えて,彼女たちの語学力の向上と適切な就業機会が必要であると考えられる。
著者
沖 慶子
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.65-91, 2003-04-28
参考文献数
83

アカデミー地理学成立以前の近代日本地理学史における代表的な地理書のひとつとされている牧口常三郎著『人生地理学』(1903年初年版)は,のちのアカデミー地理学の形成者からは同時代において低く評価されたとみなされている。この要因のひとつに,小川琢治が『地学雑誌』に発表した書評(1904)の内容が挙げられる。本書の同時代評に言及した従来の論考においては,この小川(1904)と伊藤銀月(1903)のみをとりあげたものが大半であった。本書の同時代評を精確に把握するために,本書の重版状況,本書を書評・紹介した刊行物とその記述内容,本書の中国語版の発行状況について検討をおこなったところ,次のことが明らかになった。すなわち,重版ペースの速さ,本書の書評・紹介をおこなった刊行物の数の多さとそれらの多様な属性,複数の刊行物から一様に高く評価された点があること,そして本書の中国語版といえる書が複数存在することなどが明らかになり,本書がきわめて幅広い分野から高く評価されていたことが示された。また,記録に残された文書を読む限りにおいてはのちのアカデミー地理学の形成者はそれほど評価していないが,一般読書界において高い評価がおこなわれたゆえに,彼らが一般読書界における評価とは一線を画し,表立って評価をおこなうことを避けた可能性が示唆された。
著者
染矢 貴 鎌田 唐人 中越 信和 根平 邦人
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.53-69, 1989
被引用文献数
5

広島県比和町の1/25,000現行植生図をもとに,山間農村における植生景観の構造と変遷を,社会的変化と対応させながら分析した。その結果,次のようなことがわかった。(1)9地区問では,水田面税比率が増加するにつれて植生ユニットの個数は増加し,平均面積は減少する。(2)小面積の植生ユニットは,水田の近くに多数分布していた。これは,ススキ草原として維持されてきた採草地が,小規模のスギ・ヒノキ植林や,放置によって成立したコナラ-アベマキ群集で細分化されたためであった。各農家が水田に付随した採草地を個々に所有していたことが,植生ユニットの分布構造の多様性が生じた原因の一つであった。(3)大面稜の楠生ユニットは,水田から離れて分布していた。それは,かつてたたら製鉄のための薪炭林であったと同時に共同放牧地でもあった範囲,および公有林の範囲と一致していた。ここは,大規模なスギ・ヒノキ植林や,薪炭林としての利用放棄により遷移したミズナラ-クリ群集,コナラ-アベマキ群集の高木林で構成されていた。また,放牧圧の低下により,ススキ-ボクチアザミ群集に進行遷移した場所もあった。(4)比和町はミズナラ-クリ群集,コナラ-アベマキ群集の両方が生育できる気候帯にあるが,各地区の位置する標高によってその分布様式は異なった。このことが,植生ユニットの分布構造の多様性を生じさせる原因の一つとなっていた。
著者
後藤 文昭
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.87-98, 1984 (Released:2017-04-20)
被引用文献数
1

In Japan, it is often pointed out that the rural settlement is divided into several small territorial units, which are named doi, jo, kaito and so on. These units have been playing a vital role in the ritual rites like the ceremonies of coming age, marriage, funeral, and ancestral worships as well as communal works. The purpose of this paper is to investigate recent changes in the small territorial units, taking koju in the Iki island, Nagasaki prefecture, for example. Two sample areas. Hatsuyama-nishi Fure and Honmura Fure (which is equal to Oaza in the Iki island),were selected. In Hatsuyama-nishi Fure, most households are native, and 70% of all households are farmhouses, but large number of farmers have come to be part-time farmers. Honmura Fure is the key settlement in the Iki island, and is characterized by many in-migrants from the outside of the area. [Hatsuyama-nishi Fure] Since 1960 s, several regular assemblies called ko have ceased. An increasing number of part-time farmers have tended to earn as much income as possible rather than to attend ko assemblies. In addition, traditional agricultural calender has gradually changed by the introduction of tobacco cultivation. Thus, some of tobacco cultivators did not come to attend the tenjin ko assembly, which was originaly organized for rice cultivation. As a rule, all members of koju including junior and senior high-school students were supposed to attend ko assembly, and this was a time-honoured custom. But, nowadays, few students join ko assemblies since around 1965. They had once enjoyed themselves by chatting with one another and taking delicious meals every time when the ko assembly was held. But, in recent years, living standard was risen up on the whole, the ko assembly is not so attractive as expected. In this settlement, neighbourhood group han consists of one or two koju. In this sense, the traditional koju became basic unit of han, which was organized by the administrative authority concerned. Though, several ko assemblies have ceased, in Okubo-han and Nokozaki-han, both of which are made up of two koju respectively, inhabitants of han set out additional events such as bonenkai (a year-end party) and hanachirashi (a cherry blossom viewing) several years ago as an seasonal activity of han. [Honmura Fure] In this district, owing to the increasing number of in-migrants, koju became territorial units only for the native and the those who have returned to the native place. On the other hand, han includes all households in the area and has the administrative functions. In consequence, the traditional koju has lost homogeniety as a territorial unit. About 20 years ago, since the agricultural cooperative association guinded koju to reduce ko assemblies, every koju has two or three ko assemblies at present. In these days, it is difficult to meet all members of koju, because those who had gave up farming became salaried workers; a certain dual-income family did not come to attend ko assemblies and it becomes a problem in the members. Judging from the investigation in two sample areas, it is clear that koju has been disintegrated, while, han comes to play more important role as a neighbourhood group. But, according to the interview, it is evident that present householders and their wives still show an affirmative attitude to koju, in spite of diclining unity of them.
著者
田中 敏嗣 若林 芳樹
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.3, pp.154-167, 1985-10
被引用文献数
2

This paper examines the properties of cognitive space through employing median instead of mean as a measure of central tendency for the data of cognitive distance and direction. The data used in this study were collected through the questionnaires concerning the cognitive distances and directions, estimated by 212 students of Hiroshirma University, from the front gate of the university to the nine places selected within the city. In that survey, cognitive distances and directions were obtained through the 'statement in words method' and the 'sketch map method', respectively. The results obtained are as follows: 1. The proposition that intra-urban cognitive distance is generally overestimated is not supported when median is employed, while it is supported in case of mean. 2. In Hiroshima city where the built-up area is divided by six river channels, the overestimation of cognitive distance increase with the number of bridges in the route. 3. The cognitive directions deviate 10 or 20 degrees counterclockwise from the true directions, due to the clockwise deviations of river channels running across the city from the north-south line. 4. There are significant relationships between the cognitive distance and subject-centered factors, such as sex, the attitude toward space, duration of residence, although no significant relationships are detected between the cognitive direction and such factors. 5. In the spatial configuration of sampled places constructed from the cognitive distances and directions, the relative locations of places coincide with the objective ones, though variation is appeared between the groupes of respondents classified by similarity of cognition. It is thus clarified that mean is not suitable measure of central tendency for the skewed data concerning cognitive distance and direction. And that, deviations of cognitive directions from the true ones suggest that simplification of spatial information affects the process of spatial cognition.
著者
山本 耕三
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.59-76, 1993

This paper describes the domestic commodity traffic to and from Nagoya during the early stage of industrialization in Japan (from Taisho era to early Showa era, 1920s and 1930s), focussing on the existence and the expansion of the Chukyo-sphere and the fluctuation of the in- and out-freight area each of 53 items during this period. Nagoya was a large castle town during Tokugawa era, but its economic sphere of influence was confined within its territorial area, while Edo (Tokyo) and Osaka were already retaining the nation-wide market. The author revealed the Chukyo-sphere had grown up to one of the three metropolitan areas in 1922, through an analysis of the domestic freight dealt with Nagoya at this period, comparing that of Tokyo and Osaka. Secondly, the author investigated the fluctuation of the in- and out-freight area each of 53 items in 1922 and 1937. In addition, freight volume and transport distance of 53 items categorized in the freight were investigated using regression analysis. By 1922, Nagoya had already grown up to one of the three metropolitan areas, although its hinterland called Chukyo-sphere, was smaller in area comparing with that of Tokyo and Osaka. Nagoya got a firm market for out-flow commodities in Nagano, Gifu and Aichi Prefectures, while Shizuoka Prefecture remained as a competitive area with Tokyo, and Mie Prefecture with Osaka (Fig. 1). On the other hand, Gifu, Aichi and Mie Prefectures were included as the hinterland of Nagoya for in-flow of commdities (Fig. 2). As for the out-flows of the commodities in 1922, rice, wood and most of industrial items were transported nation-wide. Most of agricultural products were distributed Inside Honshu. Stone and gravel were scarcely transported from the city (Table 3). In terms of in-flow of commodities, most of agricultural products were gathered from Hokkaido and Honshu, while most of industrial items from Honshu and Kyushu (Table 5). Transport distance and freight volume are usually explained by the gravity model, and the less volume is transported for the longer distance. However, this was not always the case for the commodity flows to and from Nagoya known from in- and out-freight items in 1922 (Tables 4 and 6). Flows of agricultural products and heavy low-priced raw materials generally showed higher distance resistance among in-freight items. On the other hand, flows of fuel showed less or no distance resistance among in-freight items, and that of machinary among out-freight items. The year of 1937 was one of the years which Japan enjoyed the highest industrial production before World War II. In this year, flows of many commodities indicated large expansion of market comparing that of 1922 (Fig. s 3 and 4, Tables 7 and 8). As shown in out-flow of many items increased their markert, suggesting that Nagoya, at this period, made a firm foundation as one of the three metropolitan area in Japan. However, certain flows such as that of out-flow of fuel indicates the city lost its hinterland. The reason for this case, Nagoya lost Shizuoka Prefecture as its hinterland because of the development of Shimizu Port, and going into shifts unloading fuel port for the demand of Shizuoka Prefecture to Shimizu Port.
著者
加藤 政洋
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.2, pp.71-87, 1997-04-28
被引用文献数
1

Recently, we can find many studies which insist on appreciating the concept of place in a contextual way not only in the English speaking world but also in Japan. In this renewed concept, place is contended to be humanly (socially) constructed with spatial practices, We (the user) make sense of place by the spatial practices, through which the user creates his own behavior and acts place-ballet. In the socio-spatial studies, Sack (1988) and Shields (1991), for example, advocate this point of view and contend that understanding of many factors operating in the place-making, the invention of place, and the construct of place, should be a primary theme in this discipline. Drawing attention to the conceptual framework of 'genealogy of place', this paper aims at describing the historical transition of amusement quarters (Sakari-ba) of Osaka Sennichimae. Osaka Sennichimae is one of Sakari-ba, where marginality and 'carnivalesque' dominated and both ephemeral and temporal logic was considered as those alternative to everyday rife working. Originally, Sennichimae was a grave yard on the margin of built-up areas of Osaka city in Edo era. After Meiji Restoration, this grave yard changed to an amusement site at first, and then, this site gradually transferred to Sakari-ba. Therefore, the name of this place, Sennichimae, had evoked people with both horror and pre-modern 'Edo' nostalgia after redeveloping from the grave yard into Sakari-ba. In the case of Sakari-ba Sennichimae, this paper examine the very constructed place as a genealogy interwovened with the historical place-images, the interventions of political powers, the act of show-planners (Yashi), and the spatial practices of the walkers. The development of Sennichimae as Sakari-ba is outlined as follow. In the early Meiji period, Sennichimae changed its landuse from grave yard to amusement site. This change might suggest two aspects. Firstly, the place as grave yard was cleared out for the sanitary reason. Secondly, at the same fane, the government of Osaka prefecture carried out the project of improvement in the old section of the city. Neverthless, the former image of grave yard influenced contingently the proceeding devlopment of amusement quarter of Sennichimae. Introducing many of new leisure attractions, especially cinema, this place was gradually characterized as Sakari-ba, and created the typical landscape of amusement site, and, in the 1920's, Sennichimae attracted people who loved to walk around as flaneur, and enjoyed their practice of walking, seeing, and being in the space of Sakari-ba with the mass.
著者
若林 芳樹 神谷 浩夫 由井 義通 木下 禮子 影山 穂波
出版者
地理科学学会
雑誌
地理科学 (ISSN:02864886)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.65-87, 2001-04-28
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4

本研究は,量的研究法と質的研究法とを組み合わせたマルチメソッドのアプローチを用いて,東京大都市圏における30歳代シングル女性世帯の居住地選択の傾向とそれを取り巻く状況を分析したものである。既存の統計類とアンケート調査結果を用いた量的分析の結果,シングル女性世帯の居住地選択の特徴として,利便性を重視して都心周辺部を指向すること,所得階層によって就業・居住状態に違いがみられること,住宅の探索・契約をめぐって種々の制約を受けていること,などが明らかになった。こうした量的分析による知見を裏付け,より詳細な居住地選択の実態を探るために,グループ・インタビューを行い,質的分析を加えた。その結果,彼女らが都心周辺部を指向する理由は,単なる利便性だけでなく,帰宅時の安全性への配慮や住み慣れた地域への選好が影響していること,住宅の契約をめぐる制約の強さは勤務先や所得によって異なること,などが明らかになった。