著者

Yue Halei

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター

雑誌

アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.101-118, 2013-03

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論文

著者

喜古 容子

出版者

早稲田大学日本語学会

雑誌

早稲田日本語研究 (ISSN:13484796)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.61-72, 2007-03-31

著者

井上 琢智 Takutoshi Inoue

雑誌

経済学論究 (ISSN:02868032)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.37-55, 2004-06-20

著者

石井 哲也 大津 珠子

出版者

北海道大学高等教育推進機構 高等教育研究部 科学技術コミュニケーション教育研究部門(CoSTEP)

雑誌

科学技術コミュニケーション (ISSN:18818390)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.59-71, 2014-06

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胎児の染色体異常を検査とする無侵襲性出生前遺伝学的検査(NIPT)は,検査採血の容易さ,妊娠早期の検査実施,および高い信頼性により生殖の自己決定権を向上しうる.しかし,臨床的,倫理的,および社会的問題も同時にもたらした.我々はNIPTに関するサイエンスカフェを実施し,その結果を考察した. このカフェでは,参加者に生殖や先天異常の情報を提供するとともに,NIPTに対する様々な姿勢や関連法についても説明した.アンケート調査の結果,参加者のNIPT受容性は,受容可能(27%),どちらかというと受容可能(32%),どちらかというと受容不可能(14%),受容不可能(1%),回答不能(26%)となり,既報の世論調査と比較すると,一部参加者がより慎重な姿勢となった可能性が示唆された.また,一部参加者は遺伝的疾患や知能の検査へのNIPT利用を受容しうると回答した.NIPTの更なる利用拡大に先立ち,生殖の自己決定権のより倫理的な行使には社会教育の充実が不可欠であるが,サイエンスカフェは親密な雰囲気下での情報提供と参加者間コミュニケーションの促進が可能であることから,有効な社会教育の一つとなりうる.

著者

Takeichi Masatoshi

出版者

Kyoto University

巻号頁・発行日

1973-03-23

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新制・論文博士

著者

園田 貴章

出版者

北海道大學教育學部 = THE FACULTY OF EDUCATION HOKKAIDO UNIVERSITY

雑誌

北海道大學教育學部紀要 (ISSN:04410637)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.251-257, 2000-03

著者

藤井 義明

出版者

資源・素材学会北海道支部

雑誌

資源・素材学会北海道支部春季講演会講演要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, pp.39-40, 2014-06-14

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「近年、地球温暖化がますます進行し」などという表現を時折耳にするが、地球温暖化が21 世紀に入ってから進行していないことは周知の事実(たとえば、Revkin, 2009, Hansen et al., 2012, 藤井、2012、Fujii, 2012)であり、また、2013 年も地球温暖化は進行しなかったので、これらの事実について報告し、原因について説明する。

著者

角田 篤泰 KAKUTA Tokuyasu

出版者

名古屋大学大学院法学研究科

雑誌

名古屋大學法政論集 (ISSN:04395905)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.250, pp.505-541, 2013-07-18 (Released:2013-09-30)

著者

堀江 宗正

出版者

東京大学文学部宗教学研究室

雑誌

東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.57-72, 2000-03-31

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This article surveys the theories of prominent psychologists of religion - W. James, S. Freud, C. G. Jung, E. Promm, A. H. Maslow, and E. H. Erikson. It shows that they are concerned with the process of self-actualization though not all of them use that term. Finally, their theories of self-actualization are considered in relation to religion. The psychologists of religion delineated the process of human psychological growth in analyzing religion as a research object, whether presenting an authentic way of religion or criticizing an actual way of religion. Despite of their differences and their uniquenesses, the processes they described are so similar that one can include them under the title of self-actualization. Self-actualization is the process by which one leaves one-sided ego and actualizes the authentic self or gradually approaches the genuine self. Its significant feature is the ultimate concern to the Self. The psychological thought movement, which regards self-actualization as a norm, should be understood as one example of what Bellah calls "modern religion," the last stage in his scheme of religious evolution. Thus referring to Bellah's discussion, it can be made clear that the psychological thought movement in modern advanced countries represents a new spirituality, although those who are concerned would claim it to be different from religion. In the last part of this paper, the author focuses on the motif of recovery of totality in the theory of self-actualization and points to the fact that the motif is expressed as "healing" in the recent scene of the movement.

著者

白波瀬 達也

出版者

「宗教と社会貢献」研究会

雑誌

宗教と社会貢献 (ISSN:21856869)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.55-63, 2013-10

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日本カトリック司教協議会 社会司教教育員会編『なぜ教会は社会問題にかかわるのかQ&A』 カトリック中央協議会、 2012年2月、 B6判、 143頁、 630円(税込)

著者

伊藤 智徳 横山 真太郎 旗谷 広司 長野 克則 倉前 正志 嶋倉 一實 卓 維海

出版者

北海道大学衛生工学会

雑誌

衛生工学シンポジウム論文集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.185-188, 2004-10-31

著者

佐藤 英二

出版者

東京大学大学院教育学研究科

雑誌

東京大学大学院教育学研究科紀要 (ISSN:13421050)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.231-239, 1997-12-12

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Kinnosuke Ogura (1885-1962) was a mathematician, who introduced Perry's movement into Japan in the 1920s. His educational theory became a target for criticism in the 1960s on the grounds that it lacked logical and abstract aspect of mathematics. However this criticism holds true only at his Sugaku kyoiku no Konpon mondai (1924), but not at his later works. In Sugaku Kyoiku no Konpon mondai, he attached great importance on intuition, for it promoted students to think by self and to construct mathematical conception in their own ways, while he regarded mathematical logic as restraint of students'spontaneous thought. But in the 1930s works, he replaced 'intuition'with 'logic for children'. The intuition became no longer incompatible with mathematical logic. In addition he became to accept disciplinary value of mathematics education. What is more, getting powerfull in actual problem-solving, his theory got suitable to the need of militaristic empowerment in time of the Pacific War.

著者

栗田 岳

出版者

東京大学大学院総合文化研究科言語情報科学専攻

雑誌

言語情報科学 (ISSN:13478931)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.17-31, 2010-03-01

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『紫式部日記』の「才さかし出ではべらむよ」という一文(「当該箇所」と称する)について、「さかし出づ」と「むよ」の実例を調査し、以下の結論を得た。まず、当該箇所に見られる「さかす」は、「【才】を盛んな状態にする」意である。さらに、それが「出づ」と複合した結果、「【才】を【さかす】ことによって、【才】が表に【出づ】」という構造を成す。したがって、「才さかし出づ」とは、「才知を盛んな状態にすることによって、その才知が表に現れる」の如く解釈するのが適当である。一方、述語にムヨを持つ文には、言語主体の、「自身の当然とするところから外れた事態が、未来時において避けがたく生じてしまう」という判断を表す例があり、当該箇所も、その一つと見られる。以上を総合するに、当該箇所とは、「宮中で才知を働かせて、それが人の知るところになる」という事態は、謙抑を当然とする自分本来の姿からは外れているけれど、その事態がこの先に生じてしまうことは避けがたい、と嘆息する文である。そして、この解釈は、当該箇所に続く『紫式部日記』全体の文脈と調和している。

著者

Tanaka Jiro

出版者

Kyoto University

巻号頁・発行日

1974-09-24

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新制・論文博士

著者

長南 史男

出版者

農村計画学会

雑誌

農村計画学会誌 (ISSN:09129731)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.4, pp.332-338, 2001-03

著者

久保田 貴久

出版者

東京大学大学院新領域創成科学研究科環境学研究系自然環境学専攻

巻号頁・発行日

2010-03-24

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報告番号: ; 学位授与年月日: 2010-03-24 ; 学位の種別: 修士 ; 学位の種類: 修士(環境学) ; 学位記番号: 修創域第3401号 ; 研究科・専攻: 新領域創成科学研究科自然環境学専攻

著者

藤森 信吉

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.301-325, 2000

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Ukraine draws attention from the international community because it is positioned between NATO and Russia. In 1999, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland were allowed to join NATO. Ukraine welcomed this accession as it would "strengthen security and stability in the European Continent." It seems that Ukraine has consistently moved closer to West European organizations and Ukraine took advantage of this opportunity to significantly improve its relationship with the West. However, the fact is not as simple as described above. Ukraine once proposed its original security plan and denounced NATO's PfP. Furthermore, Ukraine's economy relies heavily on the Russian market and energy supplies. When Ukraine's economy fails, there will be real danger that Ukraine involuntarily drifts eastward. In this paper, attention will be given to Ukraine's unique security policy regarding NATO-Russian relations. In the first chapter, economic problem under which Ukraine has existed will be discussed. In the second chapter, attention will be given to Ukraine's bridge diplomacy. Taking into account Ukraine's economic constraint and neutral policy, the last chapter will discuss Ukraine's policy towards NATO's expansion. 1. Economic factor plays an important role in Ukraine's security policy since its economy depends on Russia. After Russia launched its price liberalization in January 1992, Ukraine chose to leave the Ruble zone in order to establish its own national economic policy. This policy, called the "New economic plan" ended in failure and brought about hyperinflation, decline of GDP and huge energy debts. Kiev realized that Ukraine could not run its economy without Russia's cheap energy and market. A year later, Ukraine switched its orientation to Russia, but claimed that this integration was limited to the economic area. This economic integration with Russia, or the CIS Economic Union, generated great disputes among the citizens. In the presidential election in 1994, Ukrainian opinion was divided into two: Eastern Ukraine voted for former prime minister and pro-Economic integrationist Kuchma, Western Ukraine voted for then President Kravchuk who acted as a guarantor of Ukrainian statehood. Kuchma won, but after the elections, he launched an economic reform with the IMF and did not choose the integration line with Russia. The reason is straightforward. The IMF provided credit to cover the energy debts. After this decision was made, Ukraine's interest for the CIS Economic Union diminished. Ukraine realized that Russia had no intention of selling its energy at a cheap price. As IMF gives credit, Ukraine's interest in Russia is only to secure market for its products. Even with the economic reform launch in 1994, Ukraine's economy still records minus growth and its dependency on Russia has not been resolved. 2. As in the case of Euro-neutrals, their positive image in international arena comes not from their economic or military power, but from their neutral diplomacy, that is, bridge-diplomacy. Ukraine also tries to carry out this diplomacy. In 1993, Ukraine proposed to create a collective security zone for Central and Eastern Europe. This proposal aimed to create a bridge between Western Europe and Russia that would develop a broad transatlantic security system covering the entire CSCE (now OSCE) region. This proposal has found little support in Central and Eastern states as well as U.S. and Russia because it seemed like an anti-Russian alliance. Furthermore, it could be said that unstable Ukraine lacked its positive international image. This proposal was finally eroded by the PfP, since the PfP aimed to create a bridge between NATO and non-NATO countries. In 1996, Ukraine had the opportunity to propose a nuclear-weapon-free-zone in Central and Eastern Europe which also aimed for a bridge between NATO and Russia. Ukraine connected this proposal with the fact that Ukraine has carried out her commitments to transfer nuclear warheads. However, it appears that Ukraine did not have an intention to institutionalize this proposal. Generally, negative security assurance from nuclear powers is one of the necessary factors to materialize the nuclear-weapon-free-zone. However, there was no security assurance discussion in this proposal. As a matter of fact, this proposal aimed to find a common language with Russia who strongly opposed to deploy nuclear weapons on the territory of new NATO member states rather than creating a bridge between NATO and Russia. 3. Ukraine has shifted its view of NATO and its security policy. Eastern European countries which wanted to join NATO regarded PfP as the first step to NATO membership. Ukraine also did not oppose NATO's expansion, but claimed this process must be evolutionary, and it was necessary to harmonize with neighboring countries such as Russia and Ukraine. From Ukraine's viewpoint, Ukraine would develop her security through the PfP framework. At this point, Ukraine advocated building pan-European security institutions, especially the OSCE, the main pillar of the new European security architecture. This was similar to the Russian vision. Ukraine saw that NATO would be a promotive but secondary factor for this institution. However, soon Ukraine realized that NATO would expand in the near future. Ukraine changed its view of NATO from a passive to a positive one. Russian Duma and politicians have on several occasions called into question Ukraine's sovereignty over Sevastopol. Furthermore, some Russian government officials implied using economic pressure to boost its integration policy within the CIS. In these circumstances, Ukraine must place NATO as the center of its security policy. Ukraine noticed that NATO was changing from a defense organization to a political-military institute, as well as the guardian of democracy and human rights. This could be the reason why NATO would not harm any other states. Furthermore, idealism regarding the OSCE was replaced by a realistic approach to NATO. At this moment, it was vital for Ukraine to conclude a special relationship with NATO. NATO-Russian document seemed likely to be signed, so if Ukraine could not conclude a document with NATO, Ukraine's future would be determined by this NATO-Russian document. In the negotiation process, Ukraine strongly asked NATO to give security assurance or "associate status." Finally, in the document called "NATO-Ukraine Charter," NATO gave vague security assurance to Ukraine. NATO knows that Russia is strongly against the former Soviet Republics joining NATO. NATO had given Ukraine this document to "keep Ukraine quiet" regarding this problem. This Ukrainian government's pro-NATO orientation could not be explained by domestic factors, such as parliament and regional opinions. 4. Conclusion. Since independence, Ukraine has been caught and limited by economic dependence on Russia. Nevertheless, Ukraine pursued its intention of playing an intermediary role in European security issues. In the Kosovo crisis, Ukraine again showed its intention to intermediate between NATO and Serbia, but this initiative had found little support by both sides and as a result, ended in failure. Under the current international environment, there is little room for Ukraine to implement its bridge-diplomacy. Concerning the above mentioned objective and subjective factors, Ukraine gradually shifted its policy toward NATO. However, NATO's expansion continued regardless Ukraine's concerns. Ukraine demanded more security assurances from NATO, but its proposals were rejected. Every Ukrainian leader has to consider this situation. Ukraine's economic slump continues and Russia does not provide energy by cheap price. On the other hand, keeping a distance from NATO and pursuing its neutral policy have little prospect in the short and medium term. If the above-mentioned international condition continues, then there is no alternative for Ukraine but to maintain the current policy, IMF-oriented, pro-NATO but neutral status.

著者

常田 槙子

出版者

早稲田大学大学院文学研究科

雑誌

早稲田大学大学院文学研究科紀要. 第3分冊, 日本語日本文学 演劇映像学 美術史学 表象・メディア論 現代文芸 (ISSN:13417533)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.65-76, 2014-02-26

著者

細川 豊 ホソカワ ユタカ

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04725

著者

和田 章男 Wada Akio

出版者

大阪大学大学院文学研究科

雑誌

待兼山論叢. 文学篇 (ISSN:03874818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.1-12, 1999