著者

澤田 萌

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2022-2023, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小林 祐門

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2023-2024, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

村上 衛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.12, pp.2069-2105, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article reexamins the rise of coolie trade in mid-19^<th> century Amoy (Xiamen), the problems it generated and the role played by the British and Qing local officials in the process of solving those problems through a discussion of the social and economic conditions that China's coastal regions faced. The coolie trade in Amoy began as the formation of a network between Chinese and foreigners in the coastal regions met and intermingled with the traditional process of migration, becoming embroiled in the chaotic events that plagued these regions from middle of the century on. As a migrant labor demand-supply gap was created between expanding demand for low wage workers and growing unpopularity of the coolie trade, local Chinese brokers began resorting to such practices as abduction in order to secure good quality labor. However, due their indiscriminatory nature, these illegal practices were cited as draining the coastal regions of crucial human resources, forcing the powers that be to take measures for dealing with the coolie trade. The Amoy Riots that broke out in reaction to the coolie trade presented an opportunity for the British and Chinese authorities to cooperate in solving the problem, and this opportunity was made possible by a lack of any strong xenophobic sentiment in the region. Upon a request from the Qing local officials, the British Consulate took steps to drive out such Cantonese forces as large-scale coolie brokers and pirates, applying pressure on ships and merchants under both the British flag and those of other countries, resulting in the decline of the coolie trade. On the other hand, the emigration had already begun to concentrate in Southeast Asia under the blind eye of the local authorities, since this new source of labor posed no threat to regional security. Therefore, within the process of regulating the emigrant coolie trade, Qing local officials not only requested the British Consulate to take action against foreign merchants, but also commissioned the immigrant labor business. These tasks "commissioned" to Western countries and individuals, in particular the British, can be interpreted as a crackdown on smuggling and the pacification of piracy, both of which led to the reinstitution of Qing government control over its coastal regions. The introduction into China of modern institutions by the West that can be seen both as beneficial and coercive in nature was in fact implemented in the form of projects "commissioned" by China to Western governments, bureaucrats and private individuals.

著者

斉藤 達也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.12, pp.2106-2131, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Under the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 Dynasties, most of the Sogdian people living in China assumed one of the following nine surnames in accordance with the land or city of their origin: Kang 康, An 安, Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, Shi 石, Mu 穆, Bi 畢, and Mi 米. The place of origin of a family can actually be easily identified because of the regular correspondence between the surname and the toponym associated with the respective region. For instance, the surname 'Kang' 康 was given to those Sogdian families coming from the Land of Kang 康國, i.e. Samarkand. One finds only very few references to the history and reasons lying behind the diversification of the Sogdian surnames on Chinese soil. The present paper attempts to explore some of the basic aspects of this subject. Chapter One looks into the relation between Sogdian surnames and the names of their land of origin mainly by examining the linguistic facet of the problem. Chapter Two investigates relevant historical documents which allow us to trace the formation of each Sogdian surname. I examine the historical evidence for possible clues as to the background and reasons for choosing a certain surname. In both Chapters One and Two, I actually re-visit the most commonly accepted theory concerning the correspondence between Sogdian surnames and their place of origin, i.e. toponyms serving as surnames originate from rough phonetic transcriptions, or rather abridgements, in Chinese characters of actual Sogdian place names. These abbreviated toponyms were then given to the Sogdians depending on the region of origin. My investigation, however, reveals an opposite picture. Most of the Sogdian surnames were actually adopted for reasons not directly related to phonetic transcriptions. There is a consistent tendency of one group coming from a specific region to adopt one particular surname. Between ca. 560 and 600, we start seeing compounds as the 'Land of Shi' 史國 or 'Land of He' 何國. It is at this stage that the word 'land' 國 is used in conjunction with the surnames, and not the other way round. Chronologically speaking, in the early phase of Sogdian presence on Chinese soil, which starts with the Later Han 後漢 dynasty, Kang 康 was the only surname generally used for all members of this ethnic group regardless of their region of origin. Later, however, we witness a diversification. Probably as early as the latter half of the 5^<th> century, the surname An 安 may have also been used by people of Sogdian origin. Sometime between the end of the 5^<th> century and middle of the 6^<th> century, the Sogdians seem to have started adopting surnames like Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, and Mu 穆. Slightly later, three other names, i.e. Shi 石, Bi 畢, and Mi 米, also came to be employed. In Chapter Three, I try to explain the reasons and social background behind this diversification, and turn my attention to the relation between marriage customs and surnames. This chapter is based on a collation of relevant data extracted from funeral inscriptions between the 6^<th> century and 10^<th> century. My survey reveals the existence of a total of 83 cases in which at least one of the partners had one of the following surnames indicating Sogdian origin: Kang 康, An 安, and Mi 米. Amongst these, only three seem to have been couples in which both husband and wife bore the same surname. This fact suggests that for the most part, the marriage between Sogdian couples followed the Chinese custom of surname exogamy 同姓不婚. This fact leads me to believe that the diversification of the Sogdian surnames from one to nine served an obvious social function. This process made it possible for people coming from the same ethnic stock to get married while still respecting the Chinese taboo of surname exogamy. Actually, in 483 the Northern Wei dynasty 北魏 decreed that surname exogamy should be strictly observed. This might have been one of the(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

君塚 弘恭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.12, pp.2132-2156, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The purpose of this article is to show the connection that existed between state organization and merchant society and describe the commercial strategy of elite merchants in early modern France, by focusing on the Chamber of Commerce of Guyenne, Bordeaux. The C of C was formed by a decision of the State Council in 1705. The French government at the end of the reign of Louis XIV allowed bourgeois merchants to participate in state political institutions, where they could engage in discussions concerning national and regional economic policy. According to one American historian, D. K. Smith, the activity of the C of C was an example of the new political culture of the time. The city of Bordeaux during this period was experiencing initial development through the colonial trade; and the city's merchants would at times need to negotiate with the government in order to achieve commercial success in their enterprises. This article investigates the questions of how the merchants of Bordeaux participated in the C of C and what function the institution performed within the city's merchant society. To begin with, the elite merchants of Bordeaux, who had been old members of the Tribunal of Commerce, were supportive of the C of C and decided to govern it by themselves until 1704. Then from 1705 on, they undertook to elect the directors of the Chamber from among their own and consequently monopolized the directorship throughout the eighteenth century. Although the C of C's directors were limited to the bourgeois merchants who were natives of Bordeaux, they maintained their links with both protestant and foreign merchants. Within this process, the elite merchants of Bordeaux took control of the C of C, as the, institution took root within the city's merchant society. Secondly, the Chamber of Commerce was the space not only where merchants could formulate and juxtapose their opinions against state policy, but also where merchants could acquire advice regarding their own problems. It is true that the directors were linked in a political network with the Council of Commerce of Paris, which they provided with commercial information; but when merchants in Bordeaux made inquiries about commercial affairs to the Chamber, the directors did discuss them and offered their expert opinions. Therefore, the Chamber was also an institution for promoting the activities of the bourse, forcing the researcher to reconsider this institution in the context of the long-term history of the bourse in the Western world. Finally, the Chamber of Commerce was the centre of commercial strategy in Bordeaux. Under state policy formulated to deal with the War of the Spanish Succession, the directors allowed the Dutch and ships of neutral countries entry into the port to purchase wine, while they, monopolized the colonial trade. As for regional commerce, the directors concentrated their attention to the route between Bordeaux and Agde of Languedoc, in addition to transportation along the Garonne and Dordogne Rivers. While considering the problems and the demands of the city's merchants, there is no doubt that the Chamber governed the merchant society of Bordeaux.

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.12, pp.2157-2165, 2009-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

市村 高男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.1996-2005, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

福島 恵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2020-2021, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

高谷 知佳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2013-2014, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐藤 雄基

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2017-2018, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

川本 慎自

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2015-2016, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小川 弘和

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2014-2015, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

本郷 恵子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.1989-1996, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐藤 弘幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2005-2012, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

黄 榮光

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2018-2019, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.1939-1963, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article introduces a complete description of the Kamuimake 神今食 ceremony as quoted in the Kujo Family version of Kamuimake Shidai held by the Imperial Household Agency's Department of Archives and Mausolea, in order to establish the date of the completion of the handbook on inner palace decorum (Dairigishiki 内裏儀式), explain the meaning of bedding in the ceremony and discuss the supporting role played by the empress. The author's investigation yields the following conclusions. 1. This new fragment of the Dairishiki not only 1) utilizes Tang Chinese names for various palace gates, which were officially adopted in the ninth year of the Konin 弘仁 era (AD 818), but also 2) records such dates as the sixth year of Konin and "during" the Daido 大同 era (806-810) and 3) mentions the ritual of haimu 拝舞 (praying and dancing), which seems to have been officially adopted in Konin 8. Therefore, the content of the fragment and the Dairishiki itself can be dated before Konin 9. 2. Turning to the Kamuimake ceremony itself, in which the Emperor "entertains" the god for the night, the fragment states, "The Imperial Clothiers supply the bedding and the emperor uses it," which has been noted as an important insight into the true nature of the first fruits ceremonies (Niinamesai 新嘗祭, and Daijosai 大嘗祭), but interpreted as a ceremony in which the emperor wraps himself in a futon coverlet, assumes the spirit of his ancestors, in a ritualistic consummation of marriage with his hand maidens (uneme 采女 and empress. However, the new fragment states that the emperor places the coverlet on the seat reserved for the god. Also, in the mythological origins of Kamuimake reflected by the story of Umihiko-Yamahiko, the gods who have come from afar are seated on mats piled eight high, feasted, and then married to their guests' daughters. Therefore, the Kamuimake ceremony of the Dairishiki should be understood as a divine marriage ceremony between the god and the imperial hand-maidens. 3. The research to date has been divided over the question of empress' involvement in such ceremonies as Kamuimake and Niiname. The new fragment clearly states that on the occasion of the Niiname ceremony of Konin 6 (815), Emperor Saga's empress Tachibana-no-Kachiko was transported to the ceremony hall (Sai'in 斎院). In the second month of Konin 11, a white silk garment was determined as the gown to be worn by the empress while she was assisting in ritual affairs, and the Engishiki 延喜式 revisions of the ritsuryo codes contain provisions for preparing futon coverlets and straw mats for use by the empress (Chugu 中宮) in the Kamuimake ceremony. These facts suggest that 1) the empress was outfitted personally for such ceremonies as Kamuimake and Niiname, 2) she attended the ceremony along with the emperor while he served wine and food to the gods and 3) assisted him in the prayer rituals. Therefore, the author argues that the Kamuimake ceremony did not symbolize the emperor assuming supernatural powers and ritually consummating marriage with his female staff. Rather, it involved inviting terrifying, potentially dangerous gods to seats of honor to enjoy the kingdom's fruits and the companionship of the emperor's "daughters," in prayer for the security of the state and the prosperity of its subjects. It has been generally accepted that the empresses of ancient Japan performed ceremonial functions along side the emperors, but doubts have been raised as to whether they so participated prior to the Heian period. The author is of the opinion that is was only during the early Heian period that empresses became involved in rituals in the manner indicative of their participation in the Kamuiwake ceremony. It was Emperor Saga who initiated the custom of empress participation in order to heighten the prestige of Empress Tachibana and thus legitimize of the succession of her son to the throne.

著者

難波 ちづる

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.1963-1988, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The purpose of this article is to discuss the propaganda developed by the French authorities in Indochina between 1940 and 1945, in particular under the Vichy regime, in the new context of 1) losing the War, 2) occupation of the mother country by the Germans, and 3) the Japanese presence in the colony, especially the relation to propaganda efforts being made by the Japanese. The local French government's extensive propaganda campaign in Indochina was based on the idea of a "national revolution" in order to legitimize colonial rule. However, the influence exerted on the campaign by the Japanese presence was both strong and diverse, as exemplified by the various French reactions, ranging from compromise and antipathy based on points of common interest to resistance and indifference to obstructive cooperation. The campaign itself clearly reflected the basic problems facing the French authorities in ruling Indochina at that time. The slogans frequently raised at the time indicate that the French government had been forced to reconsider and then adjust its assimilative and "modernist" colonial policy approach of the previous years, which assumed "universal" republicanism and the introduction of necessary institutions for its implementation. Moreover, the French were powerless to deny the Japanese entry to the colonies, and in the midst of faulty maritime connections with the homeland, their claims of benefits to be derived from the "great French empire" soon proved ineffective in maintaining colonial authority. Having been forced to recognize the Japanese presence, the French had no alternative than to "accept" indigenous "values" and emphasize the bonds that tied Indochina to France. On the other hand, the Japanese propaganda hailing cultural attributes similar to the Indochinese, Asian solidarity, the gap that existed between East and West and superiority of Japanese leadership jolted the French campaign and weakened its effectiveness. In this sense, the appearance of a "Japanese factor" not only forced new developments to occur in French colonial policy, but at the same time hastened the end to French rule over the region.

著者

関口 芳恵 坂本 由美子 宮本 和典

出版者

一般社団法人 日本農村医学会

雑誌

日本農村医学会学術総会抄録集 (ISSN:18801749)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.271, 2010

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<はじめに> 当院は病床数900床、職員数1200名の総合病院である。2003年のオーダリング開始時に、イントラネットのホームページ(以下HP)が開設され、診療録端末にて閲覧が可能な環境にある。臨床検査部も2003年6月よりHPを開設し、2週間毎の定期更新を行っている。<BR><方法> 今回HPのアクセス状況を確認し、どのような情報が必要とされ閲覧されているか解析を行った。<BR><結果> 2003年開設当初は、月平均のアクセス数が、140件/月であった。職員向け検査部見学ツアーを開始した2006年から2008年にかけて200件/月になり、2008年以降は院内端末起動時に表示されるグループボード内からHPへのアクセスが容易になったことと、新人看護師や研修医に向けた研修会で案内を行ったことで、認知度が高まり、500件/月に伸びた。月別に見ると、年度切り替えの4月が最も多かった。項目別に見ると、トピックス(項目情報・採血管の選択・所要時間など)、オーダリングマニュアル、検査部写真館(トップページに載せている写真履歴)、検査部の旅(各部署の紹介)、採血マニュアル、感染マーカー動向調査などが、アクセス数が多かった。<BR><まとめ> アクセス件数を見ると、基礎的な情報から新着情報までニーズは多様であった。アクセスが容易になったこと、研修会などでの案内、2週間毎の定期更新を続けることで、利用者が多くなったものと推測する。当院は職員数が多く、情報の伝達が難しいところもあるので、手軽に必要な情報を收集できる環境は、業務の効率化において重要であると思われる。閉鎖的に思われがちな検査部を身近に感じていただき、チーム医療を円滑にするため、各個人が臨床検査に対する情報を有効活用できるよう、今後も情報発信を続けていきたい。

著者

佐々木 常夫

出版者

一般社団法人 映像情報メディア学会

雑誌

映像情報メディア学会技術報告 (ISSN:13426893)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, 2000

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今、スタジオ設備の更新・新設が、4つのスタジオで同時に進行している。内1スタジオは定期更新であるが、このように多くのスタジオを同時に新設するのは、我々の部署においては稀有なことである。BS放送開始を目前にし、番組供給量の増大を図るとともに、映像のマルチフォーマット対応、地上波とのサイマル放送対応なども考慮している。これらの概要を報告する。

著者

吉澤 誠一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.10, pp.1687-1688, 2007-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)