著者
間 永次郎
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.39-72, 2017-11

This paper examines the relationship between Gandhi's first nationalist movement (1919-1922) and his contemporaneous experiments with brahmacarya (sexual celibacy). Although voluminous works have dealt with Gandhi's political engagements in the first nationalist movement, they have dismissed the significance of Gandhi's experiments with brahmacarya during the movement; thus they have failed to unravel the reason behind Gandhi's sudden suspension in response to the Chauri-Chaura riot. In this paper, I explore the development of Gandhi's core idea of brahmacarya, namely "semen-retention (vīryasangrah), " during 1918 to 1922. In so doing, I show that Gandhi's purportedly "odd" and "paradoxical" ideas of "nonviolence in violence" ("himsāmām ahimsā") and the "ethics of destruction" (the public burning of foreign clothes) during the movement were intimately linked to Gandhi's inner psychological tensions created by his repressed manner of brahmacarya. Gandhi kept his "silence" about the massacre of the Moplah riot, which caused 10, 000 deaths, but he suddenly responded to the Chauri-Chaura riot, which only caused 23 deaths. This was because only the latter could have made Gandhi aware of his inadequate manner of brahmacarya. What mattered to Gandhi was not the scale of physical violence in the outer-world, but rather the scale of the psycho-physical violence of his sexual desire.
著者
川村 朋貴
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
人文学報 = Journal of humanities (ISSN:04490274)
巻号頁・発行日
no.110, pp.253-283, 2017

本稿が対象とする「イースタン・バンク」とは, 19世紀半ばのロンドン, インド, 香港において設立されたアジア市場向けのイギリス系株式銀行群のことで, これまでも, そして現在でも, 多くの歴史家の関心の的となっているイギリス国際銀行群の一類型である。イースタン・バンクは, 1880年代以降, 植民地内部の商品流通や産業金融へ関与するようになったとはいえ, 為替取引を主体とする国際的商品流通部門の割合が極めて高かったという特徴から「東洋為替銀行」と呼ばれていた。本稿の目的は, イースタン・バンクの立地場所やそこでの営業実態を解明し, それが南アジアとその周辺地域経済圏の形成に果たした役割と影響を論及することである。具体的には, 史資料の残存状況が比較的良好なマーカンタイル銀行を事例として取り上げる。マーカンタイル銀行は, アジア各地でおもに対外貿易の金融を行なっていたが, 1870年代後半からの銀価格の下落による大きな為替差損を経験した。それへの対応策の一つが, インドや東南アジアでの割引・貸付業務の強化という「関所」ビジネスの多様化であった。こうした国際的商品流通部面以外での銀行業務は, 植民地内部とその後背地の商品流通と生産過程への関与を意味し, イギリスの植民地支配体制の形成と確立を背景にして, 非ヨーロッパ商人・金融業者との日常的な取引関係につながったのである。ここでの強調点は, イースタン・バンクの植民地金融ネットワークとアジア系有力商人の金融ネットワークとの相互の関わりというのが, 「独占」を属性とする「関所資本主義」の世界で成立したということである。本稿では, 「関所資本主義」という概念を援用しながら, イースタン・バンクの存在と「ヨーロッパとアジア」の出会いのあり方を再解釈し, イギリス国際銀行史研究の新境地を開拓する。This paper aims to provide historical knowledge on the pattern of development of South Asian regional economy in the late nineteenth century, with special reference of the British Eastern exchange banks including the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London, and China. And it also offers the ways in which they came to play a vital role in a rapid growth and formation of "Gateway capitalism" in South Asia under the impact of British imperial administration. The paper attempts to suggest a new perspective of the exchange banks for the understanding of British multinational banks. From the late 1850s onwards, South Asia became included in the networks of the British Eastern exchange banks. After the opening of the Suez Canal, these banks in Asia rapidly increased their activities and began to play a key role, both in the expansion of international trade between Europe and Asia and in the rapidly growing intra-regional Asian trade. The well-established patterns of trade in that period were reflected by the geographical distribution of their offices in London and larger port-cities of Asia known as so-called "Gateways". This paper explores the business of the Chartered Mercantile Bank in Bombay, Calcutta, Rangoon, and Penang, mainly on the basis of the bank's relevant records held at the HSBC's Group Archives, and contemporary sources that include important information of its key activities.
著者
正信 公章 ショウシン キミノリ
出版者
追手門学院大学国際教養学部アジア学科
雑誌
アジア学科年報;The annals of the Department of Asian Studies (ISSN:1882305X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.1-19, 0000

ソーマースカンダ / アーガマ / ラージャスィンハ / シャイヴァスィッダーンタ
著者
小山内 秀和 楠見 孝
出版者
心理学評論刊行会
雑誌
心理学評論 (ISSN:03861058)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.4, pp.457-473, 2013

When reading narratives, readers may have various experiences such as focused attention on reading activity, vivid images of the narrative world. and/or empathy with the characters in the narratives. Many theorists and researchers have suggested the existence of these experiences and have referred to them as absorption, engagement, or transportation. However, these constructs differ widely in what experiences each concept indicates. Furthermore, it is unclear what roles these narrative experiences play in the reading process. In this paper, we first reviewed the literature on these narrative experiences and conceptualized them as immersion in the narrative world. which comprises six homogeneous subgroups of experience. Next, to discuss the function of the immersion in narrative reading, two theoretical models of narrative immersion in the reading process were examined. Finally, we proposed a narrative immersion-reading model and suggested future directions for the studies on narrative reading, especially on embodied cognition, the situation model in narrative comprehension. and the effect of narrative reading on social abilities.
著者
塩見 浩之
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 = Kyoto bulletin of Islamic area studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.205-216, 2017-03

This paper examines Iran's external relations and international strategies after the Iranian Islamic revolution in 1979. Currently, the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most influential states in the Middle East and the Islamic world. Iran's international politics is based on Ayatollah Khomeini's ideas. He proclaimed the importance of the unity of Islam, and the Islamic community or 'Ummah.' His Ummah thoughts were applied to Iran's political movement, which I have defined as 'Ummah politics' in this paper. Iran has been trying to achieve the unity of Islamic countries with its 'export of revolution' strategy; accordingly, this strategy plays a big role in 'Ummah politics.' Therefore, it can be said that 'Ummah politics' is at the core of Iranian politics. So, this paper examines Iran's Islamic revolutionary thoughts that are the foundation of 'Ummah Politics' with a special focus on Iran-Iraq relations because, for Iran, its relationship with Iraq is of the utmost importance. Saddam's Iraq challenged Iran's revolutionary movement. Moreover, Iran-Iraq Islamic international relations have been extremely important and in existence since ancient times; therefore, addressing this relationship is essential for Iran. From the perspective of Iran-Iraq relations, this paper analyses Iran's own political characteristics.
著者
福田 安志
出版者
東京大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.171, pp.302-278, 2017-03

The role of Indians in Muscat shifted and changed depending on time periods and contexts. During the Portuguese period, Indians served as providers of provisions for the stationed Por tuguese garrison, as well as merchants for entrepot trade. In the time of Ya'āriba, Indians continued to play a role in entrepot trade in Muscat. In the Busa'īd period toward the end of the 18th century, they acquired importance in entrepot trade, while Muscat became an emporium in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf trade. The prosperity of Muscat and communication with the Indian subcontinent attracted Indians to Muscat. Then, the Indians in Muscat in the 19th century became tax farmers in Muscat Customs. The British government issued an Order in Council, 'Muscat Order in Council' in 1867, which aimed to regulate the British consular jurisdiction in Muscat. The Order in Council also had an aim to cover Indians in Muscat under the British consular jurisdiction. However, the Muscat Order in Council was a British law, not a treaty with Oman. The Sultan of Oman had no obligation to follow its provisions. The Sultan objected the application of the Order in Oman. Finally, an agreement was reached in 1873 between the Sultan and the British Political Agent and Consul. By the agreement, Indian merchants in Oman were regarded as British subjects and remained under the British Agent and Consular jurisdiction until the independence of India in 1947. The Indians continued to have an important role in Omani economy in the beginning of 20th century, as Indians engaged in the trade of dates with financial ser vices. They played a key role in establishing British dominance over the Sultanate.
著者
田中 友紀
出版者
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科附属イスラーム地域研究センター
雑誌
イスラーム世界研究 = Kyoto bulletin of Islamic area studies (ISSN:18818323)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.131-151, 2017-03

This paper examines the appointment of political elites and the transformation from the United Kingdom of Libya to the founding of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab al-Jamāhīrīya established in 1977. First, this paper analyzes how Mu'ammar Qadhdhāfī took power after the 1969 coup d'état using the perspectives of Libyan tribalism and localism as its theoretical framework. In particular, localism is appropriate for analyzing modern Libyan politics because the United Kingdom of Libya was formed in 1951 by the three regions—namely, Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan. Second, to demonstrate the continuity and transformation of the political elites, this paper focuses on the allocation of political posts in the Kingdom of Libya (1951–69). During the federal era, the local tribal leaders obtained ministerial posts in the local governments; however, the central government abolished the federal system in 1963. The allocation of political posts to the Cyrenaican notables engaged with the King's aides, caused an imbalance among these regions. Additionally, the fact that the Sanusi did not assume the features of a ruling family; Herb (1999) indicated that the more political posts which were allocated within the ruling family, the more resilient the governments were. In 1969, the statement of the Free Officers Movement promised to root out corruption and guarantee equality among the Libyan citizens. However, this analysis shows that Qadhdhāfī appointed members of the prominent tribes of Cyrenaica as ministers and he made use of their power to manipulate the political institution and security organizations. Thus, despite his promises, Qadhdhāfī included the ousted regime. Qadhdhāfī deeply understood how difficult yet important it was to manipulate the stability of Libya's three regions and its tribal society.
著者
肖 瑩 佐々木 和郎
出版者
一般社団法人 映像情報メディア学会
雑誌
映像情報メディア学会技術報告 (ISSN:13426893)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, pp.155-158, 2015

本研究は日中の国際的な映像音楽作曲家久石譲と趙季平は何ゆえに国際的に高い評価を受けたかについて分析し、日中両国の映画ファンを魅了する彼らの音楽を利用し、日本を訪れる中国人観光客に対して、本当の日本の良さを知ってもらう。また、彼らの音楽の登場する映画コンテンツによる、各種の「巡行型コース」を想定し、旅行者のニーズに合わせて対象地域として、柔軟なガイド情報を供給するものであり、日本文化や歴史に関係がある場所を発見できるような、新しい時代の旅行ミュージックツーリズムを提案する。
著者
向山 直佑
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2017, no.187, pp.187_30-187_45, 2017

<p>Since the end of the Cold War, two significant political phenomena have attracted a considerable amount of attention of researchers in political science and related fields: the politicization of history and third-party intervention in domestic jurisdiction matters or bilateral issues. Particularly interesting is the fact that these two not only coexist but are also intertwined in the form of third-party intervention in historical issues.</p><p>Previous studies on historical issues have presupposed that historical issues are bilateral conflicts, leaving studies on the third-party practically nonexistent, and the literature on third-party intervention has largely ignored the motives for it and its effects on the relationship between the intervener and the intervened. This study fills these gaps.</p><p>The case explored in this paper is the issue of genocide recognition of the Armenian Massacre. The predecessor of the Republic of Turkey, the Ottoman Empire, allegedly deported and killed hundreds of thousands of Armenians residing in its territory during World War I. The Armenian government and the Armenian diaspora demand that Turkey admit it was genocide and apologize. However, the Turkish government has not offered an apology to date. Consequently, the Armenian side requests foreign governments to officially recognize the atrocities as genocide, while Turkey threatens them with potential deterioration of bilateral ties. This case is the most notable example of historical issues involving third-party intervention and, therefore, the best case for this research.</p><p>The results of this study can be summarized as follows. As for the causes, cross-national and time-series qualitative analyses reveal that the genocide is mainly recognized by countries with a Christian majority and large Armenian communities. International norms of human rights also play an important role.</p><p>Regarding the effects, two aspects of bilateral relationships are examined. First, simple observations of official diplomatic relations show that the Turkish government usually recalls its ambassadors from recognizing countries immediately after recognition, but it sends him/her back after several months, preventing further damage to the relationship. Second, panel data analyses on the amount of bilateral trade and the number of foreign visitors illustrate that there are statistically significant negative effects of genocide recognition, but these effects only last for a few years at most. To summarize, genocide recognition imposes a negative impact on bilateral relations between Turkey and the recognizer in the short run, but the deterioration is only temporary.</p>