著者
田辺 勝美 Katsumi TANABE
出版者
創価大学シルクロード研究センター
雑誌
シルクロード研究 Silk road studies (ISSN:13455931)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.13-29, 2017

A Kushan princely figure (Fig.3) excavated at the sanctuary of Surkh Kotal situated in northern Afghanistan has not been identified as Kanishka I (127-150 AD) on the basis of persuading evidence nor as his deified portrait by many scholars although they associated the relevant figure with Kanishka I. However, in this paper the present author attempts to demonstrate that this statue is the very posthumous portrait of Kanishka I who was deified at the latest after his death in the reigning period of his successor King Huvishka (150-190 AD). The present author paid particular attention to the ivy scroll depicted along the center of the caftan depicted on that statue (Fig.3). The ivy symbolizes resurrection and eternal life in the next world to come according to Greek and Roman literal evidence and figural imagery of this plant as well as vine scroll. Ivy scroll design with heart-shaped leaves was widely diffused from the Mediterranean world to West, Central and South Asia including Gandhara as well as that of vine scroll in the first and second centuries AD. According to Kushan king's images depicted on Kushan gold coins, the fashion of decorating vertically the central part of caftan with vine or ivy scroll came into vogue for the first time under the reign of the king Huvishka (Figs.7-9) who had succeeded Kanishka I, and also seems to have been deified because he is nimbate and haloed just like the nimbate Buddha image of free-standing and depicted on Gandharan Buddhist relief panels. That particular fashion of decorating caftan or tunic with floral pattern originated in Arsacid West Asia as is well attested to by the royal or aristocratic images excavated at Hatra and Palmyra (2^<nd>~3^<rd> century AD). That fashion must have been transmitted from West Asia to Central and South Asia through international trade between Parthian and Kushan empires. Taking into consideration these facts it seems quite probable that the enigmatic image of alleged Kanishka I (Fig.3) was produced during the reign of Huvishka rather than during Kanishka I was still alive. In other words, that relevant statue (Fig.3) is the posthumous portrait of Kanishka I and therefore most probably represents the deified Kanishka I installed by the order of Huvishka at the bagolango (temple) of Surkh Kotal that the victorious king Kanishka I had ordered to construct when he was reigning (232-150). As unfortunately the upper-body of this statue is missing, we cannot know whether it was nimbate or not. On the contrary to my interpretation, many scholars have not admitted the deification of Kanishka I on the basis that the epithet bago and deva applied to Kanishka I and Kushan kings do not necessarily mean god but king or lord. However, in the Surkh Kotal and Rabatak inscriptions, bago clearly means god, neither king nor lord. Furthermore, the epithet devaputra inscribed on the statue of Kanishka I (Fig. 2) excavated at the Mat shrine in Mathura, means 'scion of god', i.e., 'epiphany of god' just like the late Japanese emperor Showa was widely regarded and worshiped by the Japanese people as 'living god'(現人神). The same holds true of the statue of Kanishka I (Fig. 3) excavated at Surkh Kotal. Although the statue of Kanishka I (Fig.2) from Mat might have been nimbate, we cannot verify the deification of that (Fig.3) of Surkh Kotal on the basis of divine circular nimbus deifying Huvishka on his coinage. However, it might be more reasonable to assume that both of them are deified images of Kanishka I judging from our above-developed investigation. To conclude, the ivy scroll depicted on the caftan of Kanishka I statue from Surkh Kotal was intentionally selected from among several floral decorative patterns then available in the East in order to symbolize and clarify not only the resurrection but also the deification of Kanishka I after death. In addition, the statue of Vema-Taktu (Fig.5) that might have been installed in the Mat shrine is probably his deified portrait. Lastly, the ivy scroll with cordiform leaves (Fig.3) and a row of heart-shaped leaves of ivy fit successively in a decorative band (Fig.6) are intimately related to Dionysos and therefore have a eschatological and soteriological connotation. That is the reason why both of them were applied for symbolizing the deification of the Kushan kings.
出版者
法政大学大原社会問題研究所
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001年, no.(514), 2001-09-25
著者
澤畠 拓夫
出版者
日本菌学会
雑誌
日本菌学会大会講演要旨集 日本菌学会第51回大会
巻号頁・発行日
pp.100, 2007 (Released:2008-07-21)

菌類の子実体の形態は多様性に富んでいるが,その生態的な機能についてはほとんど明らかにされていないのが現状である.ナメコのような強い粘性を持つ表皮によって覆われている子実体の場合,ナメクジは粘性表皮に覆われた部分からの摂食を避け,裏側の子実層面から摂食する傾向がある.このことは,ナメクジが粘性表皮を食べるのを好まない可能性を示している.そこでナメコの粘性表皮がナメクジに嫌われるかどうかを調べるために,1:ナメコ子実体の傘の表皮を剥いだものと表皮付きのもの,2:ナメコの表皮を貼り付けたヤナギマツタケ子実体の傘と貼り付けていない傘に対するナメクジの摂食の度合いについて比較実験を行った.実験に用いた子実体は栽培施設で発生させたものを用い,ナメクジは当敷地内の広葉樹林で10月28日に捕獲したヤマナメクジの幼体5匹(体長5 cm程度)を用いた.実験は、プラスチックの容器(直径11 cm,高さ7 cm)に石膏と活性炭を容積比で10:1に混合した床の上に,水洗した子実体(傘の直径1cm程度のもの)を置き,2日間絶食させた上述のナメクジを1個体ずつ放して20℃下で一晩放置した後,子実体上に残された摂食痕跡の広さの度合いを5段階評価して検定する方法で行った.各実験は,5つの容器で3反復ずつ行った.表皮を剥いでいないナメコの子実体のみを与えた場合,子実体に残された摂食痕跡は小さいものがほとんどであった.表皮を剥いだナメコと剥いでいないナメコでは,剥いだものの摂食度合いは剥いでないものより有意に大きかった(U検定:P<0.01).ナメコ子実体の表皮を貼り付けたヤナギマツタケ子実体は,貼り付けていない子実体よりも摂食の度合いが有意に小さかった(U検定:P<0.01).以上の結果から,ナメコの粘性表皮はナメクジに好まれないことが示唆された.
著者
Kazuki YOSHIOKA Aika ISHIKAWA Makoto SUGIYAMA Jun NAGASAO Motohiro KIKUCHI
出版者
Editorial Board of Okajimas Folia Anatomica Japonica
雑誌
Okajimas Folia Anatomica Japonica (ISSN:0030154X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, no.1, pp.1-6, 2017 (Released:2017-12-06)
参考文献数
14
被引用文献数
1

The present report describes a newborn calf with spina bifida that presented with a giant mass of the lumbar region, as well as subsequent gross, histological, and immunohistochemical examinations. A malformed Japanese black calf (estimated weight = 20 kg) was euthanized immediately after birth. A gross evaluation revealed a giant mass (approximately 60 cm × 30 cm × 15 cm) covered by the hair coat in the lumbar region and connected with the hair coat of the trunk. The mass surface was divided by a deep polygonal groove and externally resembled a lobulated kidney. Histology and immunohistochemistry revealed that the giant mass comprised a vessel, bronchiolus lined with cuboidal epithelium, and small alveolus. Bone bleaching revealed various abnormalities, including spina bifida, vertebral fusion, vertebral deformity, vertebral malformation, vertebral scoliosis, and coxal bone malformation. Following a suggestion that the giant lumbar region mass was occupied by lung tissue, this case was considered to involve an asymmetric conjoined duplicitas that resulted in a very rare dichotomous spondylosis malformation.
著者
武内 房司
雑誌
東洋文化研究 (ISSN:13449850)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.31-72, 2017-03

DAINAN KOOSI founded by MATSUSHITA Mitsuhiro (1896-1983) in Hà Nội in 1922, transferred to Saigon in 1928, should be paid more attention by two reasons. First, it was one of the oldest and most successful Japanese trading company born and developed in French Indochina, and occupied an important position in Modern Japanese-Vietnamese Relations. Second, DAINAN KOOSI kept close contact with the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, especially MATSUSHITA supported the wide-ranging activities of the Việt Nam Phúc Quốc Đồng Minh Hội (League for the National Restoration of Vietnam) led by Cường Để during the World War II. This paper will focus and shed the light on the economic and political activities of DAINAN KOOSI based on the Pan-Asianism during the World War II in French Indochina, especially on MATSUSHITA's positive participations in the Vietnamese Nationalist Movements, for example, the League for the National Restoration of Vietnam led by Cường Để, using such Archival Documents in Vietnam, France, Japan.
著者
若曽根 了太
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.2, pp.237-260, 2017

In their research on the "Holy Manʼs Rebellion, " a millenarian movement that occurred in Thailand and Laos during the early twentieth century, historians have uncovered the concept of eschatology and belief in Maitreya. However, the idea of the eschatological salvation of the Lao, as derived from the Four Palm Leaf Manuscripts, has not yet been revealed. In addition, we do not know whether the Holy Manʼs Rebellion, in accordance with the tenets of Buddhism, was what influenced the spiritual belief systems of Lao society. Hence, in this study, we aim to reveal the concept of eschatological salvation and its connection with Cakkavatti, as well as the historical meaning of the Holy Manʼs Rebellion, in the context of Lao spiritual beliefs. We achieve this aim by analyzing the Four Palm Leaf Manuscripts that were handed down to temples, and also through the holy menʼs preaching to the Lao. We found that the eschatological savior of the Lao in the beginning of the twentieth century was a Cakkavatti; this belief was reflected in the divine right of kings. Furthermore, the holy men considered spiritual beliefs as being lower than Buddhist beliefs. This suggests that the words of holy men, who spoke hierarchically about Buddhism and spiritual beliefs, were spread among a wide range of peoples and became embedded within Lao society. Therefore, we discovered that there was significant meaning to the Laoʼs thoughts about subjectivity as well as the historical significance of the Holy Manʼs Rebellion.
著者
西川 和孝 Kazutaka Nishikawa
出版者
淑徳大学人文学部紀要委員会
雑誌
研究論集 (ISSN:21895791)
巻号頁・発行日
no.2, pp.43-54, 2017

本稿では、従来、等閑視されてきた中国のアヘン輸出の歴史的意義の解明を目指し、その基礎的作業として中国のアヘン生産と輸出の拠点として重要な役割を果たした雲南に焦点を当て、清朝末期における東南アジアに繋がるアヘン交易の実態に迫る。そこで、雲南におけるアヘンの輸出ルートである、東南アジアに直結する①紅河沿いルート②思茅ルート③騰越ルートと、外省を経由する④広西省龍州ルート⑤広東省北海ルートについて各々の経路と輸出量の検討分析を行い、以下の点を指摘する。即ち、まず、仏領インドシナとのアヘン取引の解禁に伴い、輸出ルートは、外省経由から紅河沿いルートに収斂されていったこと。次に人口が密集するトンキン・アンナンを中心に、低価格を武器にインド産アヘンとの市場競争を有利に進め、急速に普及したこと。そして、最後に、こうしたアヘンの輸出量増加は、雲南の輸入をも下支えすることとなり、結果的に世界経済との結びつきを深化させていった点である。