著者
金井 雄一
巻号頁・発行日
2005-05

科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(C)(2) 課題番号:14530093 研究代表者:金井雄一 研究期間:2002-2004年度
著者
佐藤 彰洋 福田 豊 和田 数字郎 中村 豊
出版者
情報処理学会
雑誌
デジタルプラクティス (ISSN:21884390)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, no.3, pp.624-635, 2020-07-15

国立大学法人において,サイバー攻撃によるセキュリティインシデントが多発している.その攻撃に抗するため,我々が属す九州工業大学情報基盤運用室では学外公開アドレス管理システムを構築した.本システムの特徴は,学外公開,すなわち学外から到達可能なIPアドレスを付与した機器に関する情報共有と,それに対する措置として脆弱性改善と通信制御を実現したことにある.その導入により,本学のネットワークにおいて高い堅牢性の実現を確認した.本稿では,学外公開アドレス管理システムの設計と,12カ月にわたるシステムの運用による有効性の評価,そこから得られた知見について報告する.
著者
沼田 天 矢野 慎 長南 幸安
出版者
弘前大学教育学部
雑誌
弘前大学教育学部紀要 (ISSN:04391713)
巻号頁・発行日
no.104, pp.45-51, 2010-10-20

近年,環境問題やエネルギー問題などの地球規模の問題が課題となっている。それに伴い環境教育の重要性にも目を向けられてきている。持続可能な発展のため,科学技術の重要性と必要性への認識が高まってきた。新学習指導要領では,環境教育のより一層の充実が求められている。中学校第3学年「自然と人間」の分野は,中学校理科の中で最も環境教育と深く関わっている分野であり,環境教育のより一層の充実のためには,この分野の教材研究が必要不可欠である。本研究では,中学校理科で取り扱われやすい環境問題の中でも地球温暖化のメカニズムと温室効果ガスに焦点をあて,二酸化炭素,メタン,一酸化二窒素,ブタンの温室効果の検証実験を行い,その結果とそれぞれの温暖化係数(二酸化炭素:1,メタン:21,一酸化二窒素:310)との関係の考察を行った。また,それらの実験方法を授業に取り入れ生徒に考察,話し合いさせるような授業計画を開発することにより,環境教育の充実を図る。

2 0 0 0 OA 第五高等学校

著者
熊本大学60年史編纂委員会
出版者
熊本大学
雑誌
熊本大学六十年史
巻号頁・発行日
vol.[3], pp.3-19, 2014-03-03
著者
バールィシェフ エドワード
出版者
北海道大学スラブ研究センター
雑誌
スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, pp.205-240, 2005

The term "theory of civilizations" is usually associated with the German philosopher Oswald Spengler and the English historian Arnold Toynbee, who -- it is believed -- worked out an original conceptualization of world history. Oswald Spengler's Der Untergang des Abendlandes (1918) is considered to be the starting point of this theory. Civilizationists maintain the position that there is no such entity as humankind. World history is essentially a product of different interactions between great cultural formations, described as "civilizations," "cultural super-systems" or merely "cultures," which might be understood as independent actors in world politics and world history. These formations are characterized by internal integrity and self-sufficiency. Like any biological subject, "civilizations" go through phases of birth, growth, blossoming, decline and death. It should be noted that the "theory of civilizations" was not a mere scientific conception, born in the minds of some outstanding individuals. It seems to have been an integral part of the social consciousness of some great nations. The contours of the theory of civilizations can be observed in the works of the Russian thinker Nikolai Danilevsky, whose Rossiia i Evropa (1869) anticipated Spengler's theory, or Japanese scientist Endo Kichisaburo, whose Oushuu-bunmei no botsuraku (The Decline of European Civilization, 1914) immediately evokes Spengler's The Decline of the West. The theory of civilizations was deeply rooted in the socio-economic conditions of the development of European countries during the 19th century. The ideas comprising the core of the theory were the product of a German philosophical heritage. The conceptual roots of the theory might be found in the philosophy of Hegel, who asserted that every nation had its own mission and its greatest task is in the realization of this mission. Metaphorically speaking, the theory was born between biologism and antimodernism, which were highly influential streams of thought in the 19th century. The former was an inalienable part of modernism itself, and the latter was a reaction to it. The theory of civilizations appeared as a result of a combination of these elements with messianism. It was in this particular form that it spread to Germany, Russia and Japan. The enthusiastic reception of the theory of civilizations in the above-mentioned countries was a result of the similarity of their positions with regard to the international "division of labour." All these nations could be perceived as "second echelon nations" when compared with Britain, France and the USA, which had begun their movement on the path of modernization and industrialization earlier. As relative late-comers, these nations found themselves in a bitter struggle for survival, and had an urgent need to mobilize their power if they were to maintain their position as independent actors in the arena of international politics. It is generally supposed that "the theory of civilizations," as a part of the social consciousness at that time, played an important role in this process of mobilization. Whereas Britain, France and the USA were already highly industrialized, and therefore their interests lay in maintaining the "status-quo," Japan and Russia, being "second echelon nations," were waiting for a chance to replace them and the civilizations theory legitimized their ambitions. The First World War was met and greeted in Japan and Russia as the beginning of the "Decline of the West." To the Japanese and the Russians the Great War was perceived as revealing the problems and defects of Western civilization. It signified not merely a crisis in relations between the Great Powers, but was perceived as being a by-product of the international system itself and its fundamental principles of liberalism, which elevated "social Darwinism" and imperialism to prominence as concepts in the practice of international relations. Against the background of German military success, the renunciation of laissezfaire and the introduction of the conscription system by England were considered as symptoms of the decline of the British Empire. The First World War was heralded in Japan and Russia as a transitional period, which would eventually result in the collapse of the entire world system. The crisis of the international order had a huge influence on the position of Japan in the world system. The First World War afforded Japan an opportunity to execute its special "civilizational mission," starting with an attempt to establish its foreign policy on a more independent basis. This resulted in discussions about revision of the Anglo-Japanese alliance, which for a long time had been an axis of Japanese diplomacy. The World War revealed a serious contradiction between the position of Japan as an independent actor and her strong orientation to Great Britain in the international arena. The crisis of the West, with the British Empire as its core element, pushed Japan into the arms of Russia. Rapprochement with Russia as a "second echelon nation" meant for Japan an opportunity to weaken her dependence on Great Britain, the classic example of a "first echelon nation." In other words, rapprochement with Russia could be an instrument for securing Japan an independent position in world politics. The civilizations theory, which mediated "the decline of the West" in the "second echelon nations," strengthened consciousness of the crisis and invigorated Japanese nationalism and messianism. The latter, in its turn, lead to the grasp for national independence and pushed Japan to closer relations with Russia. On the other hand, the theory of civilizations, including clear predictive features, presented a guide to action for Japanese politicians, who needed some vision of the postwar future with which to play the big diplomatic game during the World War. First of all, the theory of civilizations demonstrated that Britain and France were moving into an abyss. Secondly, according this theory, America, Japan's main rival in East Asia and the Pacific, was considered as an extension of the West, embodying all the "diseases" of European civilization, which was facing decline. On the contrary, Germany and Russia were described by the theory as the "young nations" that would have a splendid future. Germany was considered to be an attractive ally, because of her rapid growth and vigorous conduct on the world stage: that is why, from the strategic point of view, rapprochement with Germany seemed to be a more effective and reasonable tactic, but in the conditions of war it was extremely difficult. In this situation Russo-Japanese rapprochement seemed the only possible variant. In the conditions of "the decline of the West," the dynamic economic and demographic development of Russia together with elements of traditional structure, not yet corrupted by modernism, such as monarchy, deep religiousness etc., testified that Russia was a "young nation" which had a long and glorious future ahead of it. Moreover, Russo-Japanese rapprochement was considered to be a reasonable combination, because it could open a way to a Triple Japanese-Russo-German Eurasian alliance in the case of conclusion of a separate peace treaty between Russia and Germany, securing Japan from isolation in the postwar world. Without doubt, such considerations played a fundamental theoretical role, advocating the necessity of Russo-Japanese rapprochement, and had a major influence on the course of Russo-Japanese negotiations, which led to the Russo-Japanese Alliance of July 3, 1916. Such civilizational arguments for Russo-Japanese rapprochement appeared vividly in the position of Baron Goto Shimpei (1857-1929), an influential political leader of the beginning of the 20th century. Focusing on the theory of civilizations as the background of Russo-Japanese rapprochement not only helps us to reconstruct a three-dimensional view of Russo-Japanese relations during the First World War, but also deepens our understanding of a crucial period of world history and the mechanisms of world politics.
著者
牧野 英二
出版者
法政大学文学部
雑誌
法政大学文学部紀要 = Bulletin of the Faculty of Letters, Hosei University (ISSN:04412486)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, pp.1-20, 2017-03-30

Today wars and conflicts remain ongoing on a global scale, and the political situation in East Asia is as tense as it was before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1894. The current world situation appears to require a re-emergence of the perpetual peace envisioned by Immanuel Kant in 1795. However, his philosophy and theory of perpetual peace are no longer valid in their current form against the background of today's globalization and the resulting intricate intertwining of international relations. Accordingly, this paper reviews the theory of perpetual peace from the perspectives of (1) ascertaining whether the theory predicted the general trends observed in modern society, and (2) identifying contemporary issues that extend beyond the frame work of the theory. The paper first elucidates the significance and roles of the theory in philosophical studies in Japan, with focus on those of Kant. This is followed by a discussion on the history of controversies over the theory in Japan and a look at their historical significance in relation to social and ideological backgrounds. The paper then clarifies the significance of studies on the theory of perpetual peace in Japan in the present context and outlines related challenges.The following major points of discussion are addressed here: (1) whether Kant's argument regarding a world republic in the theory of perpetual peace contradicts that regarding the philosophy of perpetual peace described in his other treatises, particularly "The Metaphysics of Morals"; (2) whether Kant was philosophically convinced of the feasibility of perpetual peace or whether such feasibility was an expression of religious hope; (3) the question of what guarantees the realization of perpetual peace: (a) God or providence, (b) the intention of nature (Naturabsicht) or natural mechanisms, or (c) moral practice by humans; (4) why in the theory of perpetual peace Kant proposed a league of nations as the negative surrogate of a world republic, and whether the argument is rational; (5) how the relationship between the theory of perpetual peace and issues of justice should be interpreted; and (6) whether the views expressed in the theory are still useful today. Lastly, the paper clarifies the significance of the theory of perpetual peace in the present context as follows: First, the theory is inseparable from today's theory of justice. Second, ideas about the theory do not allow holy war - which destroys peace in the name of justice - from the perspective of global justice. Third, a theory of justice has been examined from a variety of perspectives, which has in turn made the subject a battlefield for discussions. In any case, studies and assessment of the theory of perpetual peace offer some important ideas for the peace and stability of the international community.
著者
小山 満
出版者
[出版者不明]
巻号頁・発行日
2008

制度:新 ; 文部省報告番号:乙2135号 ; 学位の種類:博士(文学) ; 授与年月日:2008/2/5 ; 早大学位記番号:新4677
著者
青木 健
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.3, pp.614-583, 2006-12

This study begins with a reexamination of the research of S. Wikander that was conducted 60 years ago on the geographical transition of the iconography of the imperial ideology of the Sassanian kingdom. The study also incorporates the achievements of research on Zoroastrianism, from Wikander to the present day, and then hypotheses that the reason that the Sassanid kings moved their place of pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the 5th century was associated with the sacred fire, Adur Gusnasp, in Siz and the imperial throne, Takht-i Taqdis. The author has drawn upon evidence from archaeological and written material (in Pahlavi, Arabic, and early-modern Persian) and art historical hypotheses, to create a compilation of fact, legend, and theories on both. As a result, I was able to come up with a chronology based on the weight of the facts. In addition, I sought the reasons for the changes seen in the chronology in light of advances in the study of Zoroastrianism since the time Wikander. As a result the following prospect on the holy fire and the sacred throne were attained. Firstly, the author conjectures that as regards the holy fire, Adur Gusnasp, there was a relationship in which "changes in Zoroastrian thought" resulted in the "modification in imperial ideology of the Sassanid kingdom." In short, there was a chain of influence during the 5th century, from the "linking of the legend of the founder to of Azerbaijan" to "royal pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the king's enthronement" to the "iconoclastic movement" and finally to the "destruction of stone relief of Xwarnah, symbolizing the right to rule" and the "increase in the importance of the sacred fire of Adur Gusnasp." As regards Takht-i Taqdis on the other hand, it appears to have been a temporary phenomenon based on the initiative of Khosrow II, and I am unable to posit any influence of Zoroastrian thought. The imperial throne can be thought of as an artifact of the attempt by Khosrow II, who held a firm grasp on imperial legitimacy inherited from his grandfather Khusrow I to construct his own imperial ideology free from Zoroastrian thought by highlighting the glory of his military exploits. However, due to a lack of detailed records, it was impossible to specify just what the nature of ideology that might have been.
著者
古川 正樹
雑誌
哲学会誌 (ISSN:03886247)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.25-44, 1988-03-01
著者
伊藤 健市
出版者
關西大學商學會
雑誌
關西大學商學論集 (ISSN:04513401)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.95-112, 2020-06-25