著者
高橋 豪仁
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.139-150, 2006 (Released:2008-01-25)
参考文献数
37

Mass audiences can now commonly congregate in stadiums due to factors such as advanced transport, increased leisure time, and the growth of the mass media, which has improved spectator sports to create a vibrant and exciting atmosphere produced by the cheering of large numbers of fans who wish to watch players performing. Cheering is a critical component of spectator sports culture. In Japanese professional baseball there are private fan clubs that are central for the generation of cheering within the stadium during the game. The present study focused on the subculture of professional baseball fan clubs that are organized voluntarily by mass sports fans. This paper not only deals with the pattern of action and the value standards peculiar to such fan clubs, but also clarifies the dominant/parent culture that is central to the subculture, and how the subculture is created by adopting the dominant/parent culture through negotiation or conflict between members or groups based on the power resource of the subculture typical to their own. The data were collected through participant observation of private fan clubs of the Hiroshima Carp. It is inferred from descriptions about conflict and power relationships among the members or groups that the social resources are demo-commitment in the stadium and closeness with the baseball team and players, and that “flag-waving” and “leading”, which are the typical forms of cheering behavior in stadiums, serve a ritualistic function of symbolizing the social power of the fan clubs. Furthermore, bureaucracy and yakuza's quasi-family institution are adopted into these distinctive patterns of action and value standards. The former is a dominant culture taken from the mainstream of modern society, and the latter is a parent culture located at a lower level of society. Multiple strata are evident in the subculture of fan clubs. This does not simply mean that the fan clubs have the characteristics of bureaucracy and yakuza's quasi-family institution, but illustrates that the subculture of private fan clubs is created by domesticating bureaucracy and the quasi-family institution to their own values standard and pattern of act about cheering.
著者
永澤 健 白石 聖
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.423-433, 2011 (Released:2011-12-28)
参考文献数
27
被引用文献数
6 4

In this study, we examined the effects of static stretching (SST) for different durations on muscle oxygen saturation (StO2) and muscle blood flow (BFmus) in the stretched muscles during and after SST. Nine healthy male subjects received passive SST of the wrist flexors. SST was performed for 10, 30, and 60 s. The StO2 and BFmus in the forearm flexor muscles were measured by near-infrared spectroscopy. BFmus was determined from the rate of increase in total hemoglobin during venous occlusion. StO2 decreased immediately at the start of stretching, and thereafter kept decreasing until the end of SST. StO2 replenished rapidly after completion of SST and remained above the resting level during the recovery period. For all 3 durations of SST, the peak value of StO2 during the recovery period after SST showed a significant increase above the resting value (p<0.01) (10-s SST: 72.5±2.8%, 30-s SST: 72.5±1.8%, 60-s SST: 73.0±2.2%). There was no significant difference in the increase in the peak values of StO2 after SST among the 3 SST durations. For all durations of SST, BFmus after SST increased significantly above the resting level (p<0.01) (10-s SST: 2.6±1.2 fold, 30-s SST: 2.8±1.6 fold, 60-s SST: 2.9±1.0 fold), but there was no significant difference in the increase of BFmus after SST among the 3 SST durations. These results show that SST of wrist flexors for 10 s, 30 s, and 60 s induced an increase in StO2 and BFmus after SST, but the increase in StO2 and BFmus was not affected by SST duration.
著者
木下 秀明
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.33-48, 2006 (Released:2008-01-25)
参考文献数
11
被引用文献数
1 1 1

This paper attempts to clarify the process of change from Gekiken and Kenjutsu to Kendo at the beginning of the 20th Century. The former two terms were widely used to mean swordsmanship with a bamboo sword. However, only the latter term is currently employed, despite the fact that it had been scarcely used at the time of the former two. At the end of the 19th Century, Gekiken was disliked by intellectuals because it marked a change from a real martial art to competition with a bamboo sword, and Kendo began to find favor instead of Gekiken even though the principle of Kendo had not been properly defined. In 1908, Shizuo Sakaguchi, a student, suggested that the concept of Kendo should consist of not only Kenjutsu training but also the mental discipline that is required for swordsmanship. However, his ideas did not gain immediate acceptance. In 1909, the Tokyo Higher Normal School changed the term Gekiken to Kendo, thus following the mainstream trend of adopting Kendo without any set idea of its content. Although in 1911 the Ministry of Education permitted Gekiken to be taught in secondary schools, the School intended to retain the term Kendo as a descriptor, and therefore it became necessary to properly define its content. Accordingly, Michiaki Nagai, the only professor of gymnastics at the School, emphasized the mental aspects of Kendo, as the suffix “-do” means “the way” for perfection of swordsmanship, as opposed to Gekiken and Kenjutsu, as the terms mean literally “hitting with” and “handling” a sword. The first special school for swordsmanship instructors was set up by the Ministry in 1911, and thereafter use of the term Kendo spread to all schools. The final aspect of this change of thought was the adoption of the term Budo instead of Bujutsu, meaning “martial art”, by the Great Japan Martial Virtue Association in 1919.
著者
鈴木 秀人
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.409-427, 2021 (Released:2021-06-16)
参考文献数
37

Hirobumi Daimatsu was a legendary sports coach in Japan, especially after coaching the Japanese women’s national volleyball team (“the Oriental Witches”) that won the World Championship in 1962 and the gold medal in the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games. He was famous for his extreme training methods and had a great influence on coaching methodologies for Japanese sports as a whole. Although many studies have examined his way of thinking from various perspectives, the relationship between his war experiences and his approach to coaching has not been analyzed sufficiently. The present study aimed to examine how Daimatsu’s first-hand war experiences (“keiken”) developed into his coaching beliefs (“taiken”), focusing specifically on a theory created by Yoshida that war veterans’ understanding of their experiences had been changing over time from when they re-entered society and grew older. Yoshida made this transformation clear by referring to 5 periods since the end of the Second World War in 1945. Firstly, many demobilized soldiers including Daimatsu had to face civilians who hated the Japanese military just after defeat. They lost their morale, from 1945 to around 1950 could not talk about the military or the War. Secondly, even after former professional officers and wartime politicians had been rehabilitated, the veterans themselves still found it difficult to positively address some topics related to the War in the 1950s. Thirdly, the generation that had experienced the War who shouldered the responsibility of reconstruction from the destruction and devastation gradually gained confidence and became able to talk about their wartime experiences. Some of them discovered a positive meaning in their own experiences on the battlefield from the late 1950s to the late 1960s. Daimatsu was a typical example of the third period because he spoke clearly about the positive meaning of his war experiences. Penultimately, in the 1970s and 1980s, that generation of Japanese became able to accept the responsibility for the War, especially in Asia, and to gradually acknowledge the negative aspects of their experiences. Finally, in the 1990s, a small number of survivors chose to disclose tragic stories that had not come to light previously. Thus, Daimatsu was only one of a generation that had experienced the War and who became recognized as a spokesman for many of that generation who held common feelings.
著者
村越 真
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.177-191, 2010 (Released:2010-07-20)
参考文献数
29

The 2007 statistics from 11 prefectural police departments in central Honshu (the largest island in Japan) regarding incidents in mountain areas were subjected to detailed analysis to assess the risk levels associated with mountain activities. These statistics were also compared with published statistics on mountain incidents that form the current basis for analysis of mountain incidents. The results of this analysis were: 1) The highest incidence rate is in the 50-69 age group for men, and the 40-59 age group for women. 2) A high percentage of incidents among people over the age of 40 and people getting lost reflected characteristic of incidents among people who were picking wild vegetables. 3) Incidents that were not officially classified as “getting lost”, but began when someone got lost their way, had a high risk of fatal injury. 4) Incidents that involved people getting lost were due not only to poor navigation skills but also to poor planning, a lack of general knowledge about mountain areas, and low basic skill levels. The importance of detailed analysis of mountain incidents for promotion of mountain safety is discussed.
著者
木下 秀明
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.151-163, 2006 (Released:2008-01-25)
参考文献数
28

Michiaki Nagai, the only professor of gymnastics (now known as physical education) at Tokyo Higher Normal School, was the only person who maintained that the aim of kendo (swordsmanship) should be not simply to advance its techniques but to build up spiritual ability through swordsmanship practice, taking the place of gekiken, a part of kenjutsu (swordsmanship), which was hitting practice with a bamboo sword. He first suggested this idea at the first special school for swordsmanship instructors selected from middle schools across Japan, held by the Ministry of Education in 1911. The aim of this article is to clarify when Nagai decided to change the name from gekiken to kendo by researching all of his articles and books describing martial arts, including swordsmanship, published from 1909, when he returned from abroad study, to 1915, when he wrote the foreword for kendo, the first great reference book for instructors, written by S. Takano, the swordsmanship instructor of the School. It is concluded that because Nagai did not have any idea about the name for swordsmanship with a bamboo sword at the beginning of his research, he used gekiken as the subject name for the School. However, he decided to use kendo instead of gekiken in August 1910, when the School adopted kendo as the subject name. As soon as the Ministry adopted gekiken as the official term for the school subject in July 1911, he acted publicly to use kendo for the School, in spite of the decision of the Ministry.
著者
中嶋 哲也
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.573-590, 2021 (Released:2021-09-01)
参考文献数
71

The present study aimed to clarify the establishment of Judo etiquette during the wartime and postwar periods. Nakamura (2011) discussed Japanese martial arts etiquette in modern Japan. In his work, however, he dealt largely with Kendo etiquette, and inadequately addressed the history of Judo, as well as overlooking the period of Allied occupation (1945–1952). This article focuses on the reformation of Judo etiquette in that period and clarifies its historical background. It was revealed that, first, the enactment of etiquette in August 1940 was intended to be a criticism of Taro Inaba, who was excommunicated at the Kodokan. Inaba had criticized the Kodokan and the Dai Nippon Butokukwai, stating that when a judoka stands and bows with shizen hontai (natural posture) it reflects disrespect to the emperor. During the war, with the increasing influence of State Shinto, Inaba’s claim could have undermined Judo’s social credibility. Therefore, the Kodokan and Butokukwai abolished shizen hontai and in its place instituted the posture of attention, the basic Shinto posture, and this was also followed by the military and adopted in middle school games; thus, the current system of courtesy was established during this period. Furthermore, the practice of sitting on tatami mats with the left knee and standing up with the right foot was adopted in 1943 to match the postures stipulated in State Shinto. The etiquette established during the war was modified during the Occupation, when bowing to feudal seniors and the kamidana were abolished. In addition, the choice of bowing posture, whether at attention or a natural posture, was left to the practitioners. In this way, it can be said that Judo etiquette was democratized. However, college students’ conduct during Judo bouts was disturbed after the Tokyo Olympics in 1964. Consequently, wartime etiquette was revived. However, the Kodokan did not disclose that its etiquette was influenced by State Shinto and the military. The official line was that the etiquette was based on principles of Judo such as seiryoku-zenyo (maximum use of energy) and jita kyoei (mutual welfare and benefit).
著者
高橋 幸一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.19-30, 2011 (Released:2011-07-08)
参考文献数
40
被引用文献数
1

In recent decades, much evidence for women's sports in the ancient world has been uncovered. In ancient Greece, men concentrated on politics, wars, athletics, and the like, whereas desirable womanly qualities were considered to be beauty, modesty and obedience. Accordingly, no women's events were included in the ancient Olympic Games. It is said that married women were not allowed to be present at Olympia during the games, although unmarried women were permitted to watch the games. Except in militaristic Sparta, athletics were usually for male citizens. However, in the festivals of Hera, only girls could compete in foot-races. Like the boys, Spartan girls paraded naked in the presence of the men and participated in foot-races, wrestling, discus and javelin. Tryphosa, but also her two sisters, competed in and won foot-races in several major athletic festivals, but not at Olympia. Although married women could not compete in the Olympics, they could win Olympic victories in the equestrian events. Thus it is certain that women did participate in athletics. This paper examines the participation of women in sports at the Olympic Games and the festivals of Hera. Except for the priestess of Demeter Chamyne, married women were forbidden to attend the Olympics as spectators. Unmarried women and girls were also excluded from watching the games. In order to prevent bribery, trainers had to present themselves naked and undergo physical examinations. Unmarried women competed every four years in foot-races at the festivals of Hera held at Olympia. Some have suggested that the Heraian games became Panhellenic, but there is no historic evidence for this. The local festivals in which only women and girls were able to participate took place separately from the Olympics. Kyniska of Sparta was the first women's Olympic victor in the four-horse chariot race. Agesilaus persuaded his sister Kyniska to enter a chariot race at Olympia and showed that Olympic chariot victories could be won by wealth and not by manly courage. However, it is certain that Kyniska was exceedingly ambitious to enter the Olympic Games, winning twice in all. However Kyniska's victories did not lead to the spreading of women's sports or to improvement of women's rights.
著者
小澤 哲也 金沢 翔一 長野 康平 浅川 孝太 中村 和彦
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.533-549, 2021 (Released:2021-08-18)
参考文献数
47

The first objective of this study was to develop a course unit plan for physical fitness in the lower grades of elementary school, in which traditional play as exemplified by exercises for physical fitness are used as teaching material to create various movements (Study I). The second objective was to conduct classes using traditional play as teaching material based on the course unit plan, in order to gain an understanding of the fundamental movements that appear and the amount of physical exercise during the class (Study II). Study I: A total of 163 traditional play physical activities were selected from prior studies and related publications. 22 elementary school third graders were examined for the fundamental movements included in 42 of the traditional play physical activities. The median number of such fundamental movements that appeared was 3 (minimum: 1, maximum: 8). From the survey results, traditional play physical activities were selected from among those that had no bias in their fundamental movements and had rules that could easily be changed and levels of difficulty that could easily be adjusted, and a course unit plan was developed taking into account the ease of class preparation by teachers. Study II: A total of 5 lessons based on the course unit plan were given to 23 elementary school second graders. The fundamental movements were measured using observational methods, and the number of steps was measured objectively using an accelerometer. The fundamental movements observed and the number of steps measured during the course unit were compared with the age-appropriate standards for motor skills. The results revealed the following: 1) Of the 28 fundamental movements that were set, 25 were observed during the course unit. 2) There was a high frequency of fundamental movements common to many of the traditional play physical activities. 3) The mean number of steps in the physical education classes with diverse movements using traditional play physical activities as teaching materials for lower grades of elementary school was 2343.6±586.1. 4) There were no differences in the number of steps in any of the classes between the higher-ranked and the lower-ranked children. These results suggest that from the perspective of fundamental movements and amount of physical exercise, creating various movements using traditional play physical activities as teaching materials may be satisfactory.
著者
中嶋 哲也
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.721-744, 2014 (Released:2014-12-20)
参考文献数
71

This study investigates the emergence of the concept of “sportification of judo” in Japan, focusing on the process of “student judo” in relation to the competition between the First Higher School (“Ichikoh”) and the Second Higher School (“Nikoh”) in 1918, up until formation of the Association of Judo by the Four Imperial Universities in 1928. Jigorō Kanō, the father of judo, was dissatisfied that Nikoh had overused ground techniques against Ichikoh in 1918, and in June 1924, Kodokan published a revised set of umpiring rules to control the use of ground techniques in student judo.   However, Tsunetane Oda, the manager of Nikoh judo club, criticized Kanō, and advocated that ground techniques were a valid combat method. Oda finally compromised, because Takeshi Sakuraba, one of Kanō's best pupils, refuted Oda's proposal. However, it was the first time that Kodokan had been publicly criticized by someone concerned with student judo, and this seems to have been a trigger for student judo to become independent from Kodokan.   In parallel with the emergence of the democracy movement after World War I, Judo came to be regarded as extremely outmoded, and judo practitioners began to place more emphasis on theory rather than actual competition. Kanō interceded with the Tokyo Gakusei Judo Rengōkai (Tokyo Student Judo Association, “TGJR”), and in 1924 persuaded the TGJR to let their umpire rules reflect the revised umpire rules. However, the Imperial University of Tokyo (IUT) rebelled against this movement, and left the TGJR. The IUT then appealed to each of the Imperial Universities, and held the Teidai Taikai (the Four Imperial Universities Competition, “FIUC”) to encourage nationwide spread of the Kosen Judo Taikai (National High School and Vocational School Judo Competition, which was hosted by Kyoto Imperial University, “KJT”). The Imperial University Judo Association, which hosted the FIUC, then abandoned the combat characteristics that were advocated by Kodokan, with the aim of representing judo as a “sport”.   One of the reasons why Kibisaburō Sasaki criticized Kodokan was that he had been treated coldly by Kanō and Kyūzō Mifune at the Shūki Kōhaku Shiai (a contest between two Kodokan groups) in November 1922, because he had used ground techniques frequently. Moreover, Sasaki as a member of the IUT judo club had experienced the withdrawal of the IUT from the TGJR, and the holding of the FIUC. Therefore, Sasaki criticized Kodokan while student judo was being organized. Sasaki claimed that “sportification” did not confer any new value on the principles of Kodokan judo. Kanō criticized the over-use of ground techniques by KJT and the FIUC, which lacked a combat system. However, Sasaki considered that Kanō's opinion was a long-established custom, and insisted that the FIUC was a sports competition. Thus, the claim made by Sasaki meant that the FIUC had become independent from Kodokan judo.
著者
遠藤 俊典 宮下 憲 尾縣 貢
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.477-490, 2008-12-10 (Released:2009-02-25)
参考文献数
26
被引用文献数
3 6

The purpose of the present study was to clarify the factors involved in deceleration in the last phase of a 100 m sprint by comparing the kinetics of the lower limb joints between the maximal running velocity phase (Max) and the deceleration phase (Dec). Five male collegiate sprinters, running 60 m and 100 m at maximal effort, were videotaped with high-speed cameras (250 fps) and the ground reaction force (1000 Hz) was measured at the 50-m and 85-m points. The kinematics and kinetics of the lower limb joints were then calculated. The results were as follows: 1) The deceleration of running velocity was due to a decrease of stride frequency. 2) In the Dec, braking impulse increased, but propulsion impulse decreased significantly. 3) Significant decreases were found in joint torque and negative power exerted by ankle plantar flexors. 4) Hip negative work exerted by hip joint torque in the late support phase tended to decrease, and it is thought that this decrease affected the delay of hip-flex movement during the early recovery phase. These results reveal that the function of the ankle has a direct influence on deceleration, and suggest that the negative work exerted by hip joint torque during the support phase may help to maintain hip-flex movement during the early recovery phase in the final phase of the 100-m sprint.
著者
服部 恒明
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育・スポーツ・健康学会
雑誌
体育学研究 (ISSN:04846710)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.4, pp.435-446, 2006 (Released:2008-01-25)
参考文献数
70
被引用文献数
6 3

Obesity is a condition resulting from excess body fat, and is associated with several risk factors for chronic diseases in later life. Hence, the prevention of obesity is a public health priority, with much of the concern focusing on childhood and adolescence. Recently, body mass index, calculated as weight divided by height squared (BMI, kg/m2), has been widely used as a surrogate measure of adiposity for children and adolescents, and international age- and sex-specific cut-off points to define overweight and obesity have been proposed. Various surveys using the international BMI criteria have revealed that the prevalence of child obesity is accelerating throughout the developed world. However, BMI is a measure of excess weight relative to height, rather than excess body fat. The interpretation of BMI among children and adolescents is further complicated by the changes that occur in weight, height, and body composition during growth. There is a now a considerable body of evidence that during the growth stages, weight increase is frequently due to an increase in fat-free mass rather than fat mass. Therefore, application of the BMI norm to define overweight and obesity in children and adolescents should be done with caution. Furthermore, it is necessary to be aware that adopting an international standard for a specific population may introduce error because the relationship between BMI and adiposity is race-specific. For this reason, it is expected that race-specific standards of BMI with additional body composition-related information for children and adolescents will become available in the future to ensure reliable assessment of adiposity levels.