著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

慶応義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶応義塾大学日吉紀要 自然科学 (ISSN:09117237)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.p47-67, 1991

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

社会民主党全国連合機関紙宣伝局

雑誌

社会民主 (ISSN:13420615)

巻号頁・発行日

no.588, pp.2-7, 2004-05

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

金曜日

雑誌

金曜日

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.10, pp.30-33, 2000-03-17

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

実践社

雑誌

理戦

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.10-19, 2002

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

技術と人間

雑誌

技術と人間 (ISSN:02855186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.4, pp.p45-57, 1992-04

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

技術と人間

雑誌

技術と人間 (ISSN:02855186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.50-65, 1998-04

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

長崎平和研究所

雑誌

長崎平和研究

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.42-66, 2009-04

著者

藤田 祐幸

出版者

長崎総合科学大学長崎平和文化研究所

雑誌

平和文化研究 (ISSN:02854651)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.103-120, 2012

著者

藤田 祐幸 小村 和久 古川 路明

出版者

岩波書店

雑誌

科学 (ISSN:00227625)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.7-10, 2004-01

著者

経済雑誌社 編

出版者

経済雑誌社

巻号頁・発行日

vol.下巻, 1902

著者

内海 與三郎 根岸 務 亀井 正治

出版者

日本衛生動物学会

雑誌

衛生動物 (ISSN:04247086)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.177-181, 2014

被引用文献数

1

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羽化後または孵化後まもないチャバネゴキブリ,ワモンゴキブリおよびクロゴキブリを3種類の餌(牛肉缶詰,生のキャベツとタマネギ[野菜]およびラット用固形飼料)で飼育した.チャバネゴキブリおよびワモンゴキブリ雌雄成虫の生存日数は,ラット用固形飼料あるいは牛肉缶詰で飼育したときに最も長かったのに対し,クロゴキブリ雌雄成虫では野菜で飼育したときに最も長かった.繁殖に最も適した餌は,チャバネゴキブリおよびワモンゴキブリ成虫ではラット用固形飼料であったのに対し,クロゴキブリでは野菜であった.幼虫の発育に最も適した餌は,3種ゴキブリともラット用固形飼料であった.これらの結果は,成虫の生存および繁殖に適する餌がゴキブリの種類によって違っていることを示す.

著者

須永 剛司 木見田 康治

出版者

サービス学会

雑誌

サービソロジー (ISSN:21885362)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.4, pp.16-20, 2017-01-28 (Released:2020-03-06)

参考文献数

8

著者

山村 英司

出版者

行動経済学会

雑誌

行動経済学 (ISSN:21853568)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.75-87, 2019-01-22 (Released:2019-01-19)

参考文献数

92

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所得の不平等は古くから経済問題で,不平等を小さくするため所得分配政策は適切にと取られるべきであると認識されている.2010年代に入り近年では国内の所得の不平等が原因となって,反グローバル主義が台頭し貿易自由化を推進してきた米国などが閉鎖経済を志向する政策を取るようになった.このような現実を反映し,21世紀に入り経済学において不平等や所得再分配の問題を考察する研究が数多くなされている.とりわけ人々の心理面を考慮に入れた行動経済学において,先端的手法により分析が進められ重要な知見が蓄積されている.本稿では古くも新しい不平等の問題を,経済学はどのように分析してきたかを振り返る.そして,行動経済学に残された今後の課題に触れる.

著者

大山 道広

出版者

慶應義塾経済学会

雑誌

三田学会雑誌 (ISSN:00266760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.3, pp.358(6)-370(18), 1992-10

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特集 : 経済学会コンファレンス : 公共経済学の新展開

著者

Akira Funada Yoshikazu Goto Hayato Tada Ryota Teramoto Masaya Shimojima Kenshi Hayashi Masakazu Yamagishi

出版者

The Japanese Circulation Society

雑誌

Circulation Journal (ISSN:13469843)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.CJ-16-1251, (Released:2017-02-11)

参考文献数

28

被引用文献数

5 7

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Background:The appropriate duration of prehospital cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR)administered by emergency medical service (EMS) providers for patients with out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA) necessary to achieve 1-month survival with favorable neurological outcome (Cerebral Performance Category 1 or 2, CPC 1–2) is unclear and could differ by age.Methods and Results:We analyzed the records of 35,709 adult OHCA patients with return of spontaneous circulation (ROSC) before hospital arrival in a prospectively recorded Japanese registry between 2011 and 2014. The CPR duration was defined as the time from CPR initiation by EMS providers to prehospital ROSC. The rate of 1-month CPC 1–2 was 21.4% (7,650/35,709). The CPR duration was independently and inversely associated with 1-month CPC 1–2 (adjusted odds ratio, 0.93 per 1-min increment; 95% confidence interval, 0.93–0.94). The CPR duration increased with age (P<0.001). However, the CPR duration beyond which the proportion of OHCA patients with 1-month CPC 1–2 decreased to <1% declined with age: 28 min for patients aged 18–64 years, 25 min for 65–74 years, 23 min for 75–84 years, 20 min for 85–94 years, and 18 min for ≥95 years.Conclusions:In patients who achieved prehospital ROSC after OHCA, the duration of CPR administered by EMS providers necessary to achieve 1-month CPC 1–2 varied by age.

著者

中村 清

出版者

一般社団法人 日本教育学会

雑誌

教育学研究 (ISSN:03873161)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.299-307,418, 1998-12-30 (Released:2007-12-27)

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The Fundamental Law of Education specifies that education shall aim at the full development of personality. This aim has been generally accepted by most of those engaged in educational theories and practices as well as in policy making. But interpretation of the aim has been so ambiguous that quite opposite views on education have been justified. Particularly problematic is that the original intent of the aim, i.e.education should aim at the full development of personality because it is broader and more basic than the formation of a good member of the nation, seems to be forgotten by most interpretations. This paper tries to clarify the weakness of the usual interpretation of the aim and to replace it with a more reasonable one. The concept of the personality in the original interpretation of the aim presupposes that human beings are unique in that they have the ability of reson. This characteristic enables them to pursue the universal values of truth, good and beauty, free from the causality of the material world. This interpretation has been accepted by most educational literature and policy documents. The concept of reason in the interpretation is almost the same as that in the age of the Enlightenment. Such a view has been persuasively critcized since the 19th century, particularly by so-called postmodern thinkers of the present. The above interpretation of the full development of the personality neglects these criticisms and, as a result, becomes an abstract concept which fails to have concrete effect on educational practices. A dificulty in educaionsl theories based on the Enlightenment concept of the reason is that a clear distinction is made between adults and children, namely, rational adults educate irrational children until they become rational. Viewed in this way, children's ability to reason has no place in education and neither equal relationaship nor mutual understanding between adults and children can be established. Then education becomes just another name for conditioning children by adults. This is a logical consequence of the Enlightenment theory of education that justifies the transformation of public education into national education. Although human beings may bear different values in different societies and among individuals in the same society as well, they may find common values if they make an adequate effort to do so when necessary. At least this possibility should not be denied even before they try. The ability to find a common value when necessary may be called reason, because it is what makes human beings understand each other in an equal relationship. Education that aims at the full development of personality based on this understanding of reason means to enhance mutual understanding of human beings. This effort is mainly made by adults upon children within a certain society, but in principle it is open to all human beings.

著者

田頭 賢太朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.61-91, 2020-03

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This article examines the characteristic features of the Jinwuwei 金吾衞 Regiment, one of the Twelve Imperial Guards (Shi’erwei 十二衞) units in China’s Southern Command (Nanya 南衙) system from the viewpoint of its relationship to the military command authority of the Tang Period Emperors. The author’s findings are as follows. First, the Jinwuwei was integrated into the emperor’s military command and was the Imperial Guard unit that functioned to activate that authority. This special character of the Jinwuwei stems from the “yuhou” 虞候 military system of the Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang periods. Yuhou were the units responsible for reconnaissance and sentry duty, as well as command and leadership of forces in the field, supporting the authority of the high command by implementing its military law. The author argues that the Jinwuwei was an Imperial Guard unit acting in the role of yuhou under the command of the Tang Emperors. Secondly, the Jinwuwei, with the principle of yuhou at its core, was originally formed based on the concepts underlying the nomadic military organization of Xianbei 鮮卑, resembling the Mongolian pastoral bureaucracies of yūrtchī and bulārghūchī, demonstrating, in the author’s view, one occurrence of the nomadic elements which existed within the Sui and Tang Dynasty bureaucracies. Based on these findings, the author concludes that the military command authority of the Tang Emperors was intimately related to the Jinwuwei in the capacity of a yuhou unit, which was mobilized in order to deploy the whole Twelve Imperial Guards under the command of the Emperor. Moreover, the workings of military command authority in general—for example in the case of a special expeditionary force (hangjun 行軍) and regional military governors (jiedushi 節度使)—were similarly based on the yuhou system with its Xianbei nomadic character. From the above findings it is inferred that the Twelve Imperial Guards including the Jinwuwei retained the character of hangjun units under the Emperor’s military command.

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.1-29, 2020-03

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The Pupils of Academicians (Boshi-Dizi 博士弟子) System, which was instituted in 124 BCE and the Imperial Institute of Learning (Taixue 太學), the highest seat of learning in ancient China dating back to the Zhou Dynasty, have been generally regarded as comprising one unified body. However, it remains uncertain whether the former was initially integrated with the latter, because neither of the documents relating to the establishment of the Boshi-Dizi System, Emperor Wu’s (Wudi 武帝) imperial edict and Gongsun Hong’s 公孫弘 petition, mention the Taixue, and Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), a contemporary work of historiography, contains no information indicating any such initial integration. This article considers the integration of the two institutions mainly from the perspective of the history of thought, beginning with an attempt to confirm the plan and aim of the initial Boshi-Dizi System. Next the author compares them with ideas about the Taixue which existed since antiquity and shows a significant departure between the two. This is followed by the introduction of Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 concept of the Taixue, raising the possibility that although the Boshi-Dizi System adopted Dong’s ideas in part, it was initially an attempt to expand the existing institutions. Then the author turns to the subject of when and how the two institutions were eventually integrated, assuming integration occurred during the reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng (Yuandi 元帝 and Chengdi 成帝; 49–7 BCE), which were marked by institutional reform of the Han court along the lines of Confucian ideas. The author concludes by arguing that the integration should occupy an important place in the history of the growth of Confucianism because of its primary role in the establishment a “new” Han Taixue grounded in the study of the Confucian classics.

著者

外山亀太郎

雑誌

蚕業新報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.5-6, 1906

被引用文献数

1

著者

髙梨 健司

出版者

専修大学社会科学研究所

雑誌

社会科学年報 = The Annual bulletin of social science (ISSN:03899519)

巻号頁・発行日

no.52, pp.95-126, 2018