著者
ライダー 玲子
出版者
公益社団法人 日本看護科学学会
雑誌
日本看護科学会誌 (ISSN:02875330)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, no.1, pp.10-22, 1983-08-15 (Released:2012-10-29)
参考文献数
22
被引用文献数
1
著者
今村明恒
雑誌
地震2
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.23-28, 1949
被引用文献数
1
著者
IIDA K.
雑誌
J. Earth Sci., Nagoya Univ.
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.101-122, 1958
被引用文献数
1
著者
石橋克彦
雑誌
歴史地震
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.55-58, 1985
被引用文献数
1
著者
曹 建平
出版者
北海道大学文学研究科
雑誌
北海道大学大学院文学研究科研究論集 (ISSN:13470132)
巻号頁・発行日
no.15, pp.1-18, 2015

本稿では近代満州における煙草市場の実態分析の一環として日系新聞の『満日』(マイクロフィルム)に注目し,そこに掲載された広告の内容を分析することにより煙草企業の市場販売戦略を明らかにすることを目的とする。分析にあたり,多国籍企業の英米煙草会社と日本資本の東亜煙草会社・満州煙草株式会社との広告を抽出し,広告における文字情報と図像情報から成る広告要素と広告手法に着目する。なお,史料とした『満日』は南満州鉄道株式会社が発行した『満州日日新聞』と『満州日報』との通称で,1907年に創刊され,1944年までに発行しつづけたものである。結論としては,まず,満州国期に数多くの煙草広告が掲載されたことが挙げられる。悉皆的な集計と分析をしないと正確な判断はできないが,全体的な印象としては,英米煙草会社の広告はほかのメーカーに比較すると,はるかに多いようである。これは巨大な資本力に負うことと考えられる。そして,英米煙草会社は広告にさまざまな手法を用いたりして単一銘柄を集中に広告するほか,図柄を変化させて広告効果の向上を図った。また,宣伝文のないシンプルな広告が多用され,視覚効果に訴えていた。次に,日本資本の煙草企業が新聞広告を活用していた実態が明らかになった。東亜煙草会社は早い時期から新聞に広告を出したが,掲載頻度がそれほど高くなかった。そして,日中戦争勃発前に掲載した広告はまだ普通の商品広告で,製品品質の良さや包装の美しさなどの点をアピールする余裕があったようであるが,日中戦争勃発後,戦争の相乗結果もあって消費者の愛国心を利用して国貨購入を呼びかける広告手法はその広告の基本路線となった。一方,国策会社として設立された満州煙草株式会社の広告は戦争の勃発・拡大を背景として誕生したもので,戦時宣伝や戦争支援の意味合いが見え,イデオロギーの宣伝陣地となっていた。
著者
矢久保典良
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.4, pp.31-58, 2016-03

During the 2nd Sino-Japanese War, the fact that life in Chinese Muslim communities centered around mosques (qingzhensi 清真寺) dispersed throughout the country by no means implies that Muslims were isolated from the political power and society outside their communities. The research to date on Muslims and Muslim communities during wartime mainly emphasizes the aspect of their anti-Japanese resistance activities, efforts to rescue the nation from foreign danger and their overall patriotism, in an effort to maximize their contributions to the Chinese war effort. However, for Muslims, the political environment created during wartime could not be separated with their daily lives and religion. Therefore, more attention should be paid to the many diverse aspects of the relationship between Muslims and the War.For example, during the War, the Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association (中国回教救国協会), a social and religious organization aiming at the integration of Muslim society through the management of mosques, was of the opinion that mosque management should attempt to link politics with religion. This article is an attempt to clarify the perceptions and programs of the Association about mosque management under wartime conditions, by focusing on the process by which its management system was put into effect. The ideals espoused by the NSF were reflected in its Methods for Mosque Management, a plan conceived in the midst of the Republic of China's attempts to deal with structural problems surrounding state religious regulation and internal mosque affairs during wartime. The Association looked upon insufficiencies in mosque management mechanisms as detrimental to improving how religious affairs were conducted and was of the opinion that its Methods of Management would overcome such insufficiencies. The Association's system first tried to advance the organization of individual Muslims and the integration of their internal affairs, an issue that had arisen during the early Republican era, through improvements in mosque management. Then there was the aspect of government supervision and regulation of Islam and its places of worship. Although the Association took the opportunity offered by the government's attempt to regulate religion to present its views concerning mosque management, its motivation was clearly based on the conviction that there were problems that needed solving within the internal affairs of mosques.
著者
中西 竜也
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, no.4, pp.858-824, 2016-03

An intensification of mutual antagonism between the Muslim Hui and Han Chinese people reached a climaxin the Hui rebellions against the Qing dynasty in Yunnan province and Northwestern China during the second half of the 19th century. This confrontation endangered the survival of the Hui, fewer in numbers and less powerful than the Han. Thereafter, reconciliation with Han society and the Qing dynasty became an urgent issue for this Muslim minority. My paper examines how some Hui scholars, out of awareness of this issue, reinterpreted Islamic doctrine or law in order to facilitate the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in China. First, I investigate Persian and Arabic works that the famous Yunnan Muslim scholar Ma Lianyuan (d. 1903) wrote based on an anonymous Persian work Muhimmāt al-muslimīn, one of 'classics' authoritative for Chinese Muslims. Then, I clarify the fact that he added to the original texts of Muhimmāt his own comments about the legitimacy of friendship with non-Muslims and illegitimacy of taking their lives and properties. Second, I scrutinize how Ma Lianyuan's son Ma Anyi (d. 1943) elaborated his father's views about the way of dealing with non-Muslims. In his Arabic work Tahqīq al-īmān, Ma Anyi declares that Islamic law prohibits Chinese Muslims from disobeying the Qing emperor and hence taking lives and properties of non-Muslim Chinese people. He explains the basis of this interpretation in the following fashion : The legal status of these believers is that of Muslims who enter non-Islamic domains (dār al-harb) under their non-Muslim rulers' guarantees of security, and their disobeying the rulers would be a betrayal (ghadr) which is prohibited in Islamic law. Third, I focus on the interpretation of the Qur'ānic verse 4 : 36 in the Chinese work Yisilan liushu written by Da Pusheng (d. 1965), known as one of the four greatest 'ulamā in modern China. He regards Muslim's kindness toward non- Muslim neighbors as an obligation that the Prophet ordered (wājib). I disclose that this interpretation is more amicable toward non-Muslims than that of Liu Zhi (d. after 1724), one of the most famous Hui scholars during the pre-modern period. In addition, I attempt to identify the Arabic or Persian sources of the modern Hui scholars' interpretations. In conclusion, I point out the possibility that Da Pusheng was more positive toward constructing friendships between the Hui and the Han than Ma Lianyuan and Ma Anyi. Then, I argue that the positive attitude of the former, if indeed it is judged to be so, must have been a reaction to the upsurge in Chinese nationalism, and may also have been another result of modern factors such as the fact that more books and newer ideas about Islam than in the previous age were imported to China from West and South Asia because of the development of transportation facilities and printing technology.