著者
増田 弘
出版者
東洋英和女学院大学
雑誌
人文・社会科学論集 = Toyo Eiwa journal of the humanities and social sciences (ISSN:09157794)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.1-29, 2000-03

This article aims to disclose the reality of the purges of Kono Ichiro, the Chief Secretary of the Liberal Party, and Miki Bukichi, the Chairman of the Excutive Board, on June 20, 1946. The stated reason was that both of them were militaristic and ultra-nationalistic dietmen in the pre-war period. They, however, resisted the militaristic atmosphere with the rise of the army and made efforts towards defending Japan's democratic system in the 1930s and the first half of'40s.In fact, Kono and Miki won their seats in the House of Representatives election without governmental recognition in 1942 during the Pacific war period. Then, why were they purged? Is it true that the GS (Government Section) in the GHQ unfairly excluded them or that Narahashi Wataru, the Secretary General of the Shidehara Cabinet, made a plot to purge them in order to stop the formation of Hatoyama Cabinet?Unexpectedly, it has turned out that new prime minister Yoshida Shigeru intervened between the GS and the Public Service Examination Committee in the process of screening Kono and Miki and he played a great role in purging them.The purpose of this article is to clarify these new facts through an analysis of the GS files and other documents.
著者
増田 弘 佐藤 晋 加藤 陽子 加藤 聖文 浜井 和史 永島 広紀 大澤 武司 竹野 学
出版者
東洋英和女学院大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2009

平成21年度から23年度に至る3力年の研究の具体的成果は、本年9月に慶応義塾大学出版会より刊行が予定されている増田弘編『大日本帝国の崩壊と復員・引揚』にある。本書は、日本が第二次世界大戦に敗北したことで生じた帝国日本の崩壊過程に関して、外地からの民間人引揚と外地に在った日本軍将兵の復員という視座に立った実証研究であると同時に、東アジアにおける冷戦という新局面との歴史的接合点を解明しようとする試論である。
著者
内田 雅之 吉田 朋広 増田 弘毅 深澤 正彰
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2012-04-01

拡散型確率過程のサンプリング問題を研究した.高頻度データを用いて確率微分方程式のパラメトリック推測を行う際に,疑似最尤推定量の導出が重要であるが,その推定量を効率よく算出するために,ベイズ型推測と最尤型推測の利点を活用したハイブリッド型推測法を開発し,その数学的正当化を行った.大規模数値実験によって提案手法の有効性の実証を試み,エルゴード的拡散過程や微小拡散過程に対して,ハイブリッド型推定量の漸近挙動が安定していることを確認した.提案手法は上記のモデルだけでなく,一般のモデルに対して適応可能である.また,レヴィ駆動型確率微分方程式の統計推測および高頻度データ解析への応用について研究した.
著者
増田 弘
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
法學研究 (ISSN:03890538)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.72, no.4, pp.15-51, 1999-04-28

論説一、はじめに二、日本再軍備構想の始動段階……一九四八年 1、ロイヤルの日本再軍備構想 2、ケナンとNSC一三 3、マッカーサーの抵抗三、日本再軍備構想の修正段階……一九四九年 1、JCSの介入とNSC四四 2、国務省の介入とNSC四九 3、再軍備計画をめぐる国務省と国防省・JCS間の対立 --(以上本号)四、日本再軍備構想の実施段階……一九五〇年 1、平和条約をめぐる国務省と国防省・JCS間の対立 2、ダレスの介入と調停 3、朝鮮戦争勃発と日本再軍備の開始五、 おわりに --(七二巻五号)

2 0 0 0 OA I 歴史研究

著者
臼井 勝美 安岡 昭男 池井 優 波多野 澄雄 増田 弘 宇野 重昭 横山 宏章 中見 立夫 植田 隆子 佐々木 雄太 油井 大三郎 福田 茂夫 草間 秀三郎 佐藤 信一
出版者
財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1979, no.61-62, pp.2-107,L4, 1979-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

The Japan Association of International Relations, which was established in 1956, considers one of its main objectives to contribute to the progress of the study of the history of international relations, in paticular to research into the history of Japanese diplomacy. Japan's Road to the Pacific War is a representative example of what can be done by the joint endeavour of this association.We would like to point out, as a specific characteristics of recent research on the history of international relations, firstly, a tendency to remove the limitations which are encountered by a study of so called “diplomatic history” in isolation from everything else.We would like to examine the change from the move traditional approaches, which have emphasized only bilateral or multilateral relations between states, to the more modern, original approaches. The interest of researchers will be to cover a wide area of historical phenomena, such as the political decision-making process, public opinion, economic pressure groups and the process of communication amongst other things.The second characteristic has been the flowering of collaborative reserch between Japanese and foreign scholars, and we are now receiving the excellent results of their labours. For instance, the conference at Lake Kawaguchi in 1969, the result of which was, “The history of Japanese-American Relations, 1931-41” is a representative example of this trend. However, it is regrettable that the participants in these collaborative research projects have been mainly limited to Japanese and American scholars. It is to be hoped that, in future, there will be further opportunities for collaborative research and conferences not only with American scholars, but also with scholars from China, England, Korea, the Soviet Union and South East Asia.We hope the future tendency of research will be for the themes of the role and limitation of the individual in international affairs, as well as the problem of individual responsibility, to become the common interest of scholars.We hope that, in future, the increasing variety of scholarship will not become merely scattered and diffused.
著者
西井 龍映 小西 貞則 坂田 年男 秦 攀 二宮 嘉行 増田 弘毅 田中 章司郎 二宮 嘉行 増田 弘毅 田中 章司郎 清水 邦夫 江口 真透 内田 雅之
出版者
九州大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2007

超高次元データにも適応可能な分類手法が近年求められている.そこで柔軟な判別境界を表現できて過学習となりにくいbagging型AdaBoostを提案した.また地球環境空間データの解析のため,空間依存性をマルコフ確率場でモデル化し,森林被覆率の判別問題や回帰問題,土地被覆割合の推定手法を考察した.なお統計モデル選択のための情報量基準についての専門書を出版した.
著者
増田 弘
出版者
立正大学法学会
雑誌
立正法学論集 = The Rissho law review (ISSN:02864800)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.2, pp.93-115, 2021-03-20
著者
増田 弘昭
出版者
一般社団法人 日本画像学会
雑誌
電子写真学会誌 (ISSN:0387916X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.169-174, 1997 (Released:2007-04-06)
参考文献数
24
被引用文献数
7

1 0 0 0 OA 書評

著者
佐竹 郁夫 半田 賢司 有木 進 増田 弘毅
出版者
一般社団法人 日本数学会
雑誌
数学 (ISSN:0039470X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.422-436, 2005-10-26 (Released:2008-12-25)
参考文献数
15
著者
増田 弘
出版者
慶應義塾大学法学研究会
雑誌
法学研究 (ISSN:03890538)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.72, no.5, pp.37-62, 1999-05

論説一、はじめに二、日本再軍備構想の始動段階……一九四八年 1、ロイヤルの日本再軍備構想 2、ケナンとNSC一三 3、マッカーサーの抵抗三、日本再軍備構想の修正段階……一九四九年 1、JCSの介入とNSC四四 2、国務省の介入とNSC四九 3、再軍備計画をめぐる国務省と国防省・JCS間の対立 --(七二巻四号)四、日本再軍備構想の実施段階……一九五〇年 1、平和条約をめぐる国務省と国防省・JCS間の対立 2、ダレスの介入と調停 3、朝鮮戦争勃発と日本再軍備の開始五、 おわりに --(以上本号)
著者
増田 弘
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1978, no.60, pp.132-153,L7, 1978

The aim of this essay is to examine the political aspects of Japan and United States' economic relations in the 1960's as reflected in the Joint Japan-United States Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs, which convened nine times during the period from 1961 to 1973.<br>In general, the meetings centered on three themes, (1) the bilateral relations concerning not only trade and economic issues but political issues as well, (2) the multilateral relations concerning these same issues, especially those relations with West European countries and the Communist states such as China and the Soviet Union, and, (3) the cooperation in the development of and aid to Third World countries, especially those of south-east Asia.<br>There was agreement on many points: cooperation in technological and cultural fields, problems involving Western European nations, and the allotment of aid to developing countries. However, practically no agreements were reached on the various problems regarding disequilibrium in trade between them in the latter 1960's In those days, Japanese-U. S. trade, which had previously favoured America, reversed itself so that the United States went into the red and Japan moved into the black. In addition, the Sato Government rejected a proposal for textile export restraints which the Nixon Administration considered vital. And finally, in 1971 came the blow of the so-called &ldquo;Nixon dollar-shock&rdquo;, followed by the surprising announcement of the visit of the President of the United States to the People's Republic of China.<br>Thus, when we consider the origins of the various problems in economic relations between Japan and the U. S., we should go beyond the obvious friction generated by the textile exports issue. Rather we must delve more deeply into two very different to understand the problem fully, perspectives of political reality.
著者
増田 弘
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1982, no.71, pp.72-92,L9, 1982

From the early 1910s, ISHIBASHI Tanzan, a journalist of the &ldquo;<i>Oriental Economist</i>, &rdquo; consistently expressed his sympathy for both the Chinese revolutionary movements and nationalism while criticizing not only the imperialist Japanese foreign policy toward China but also public trends such as the contempt shown toward Chinese people. In addition, he insisted that Japan should abandon all of its colonies including Manchuria, which was said to be a &ldquo;sacred precinct.&rdquo; He argued from various viewpoints including the political, diplomatic, economic, and strategic. The main reasons were as follows. (1) although Japan possessed rights and interests in China, Chinese people continued anti-Japanese movements because their nationalism was deeper and stronger than the Japanese government and people supposed; therefore, ISHIBASHI insisted that Japan abandon those interests in order to trade and co-operate with China; (2) all the colonies such as Manchuria were virtually worthless in economic terms; (3) to hold Manchuria the Japanese government had to over-expand itself militarily; thus, national life became worse and worse; and (4) as a result of Japan acquiring interests from China, Japanese-U. S. foreign relations worsened and Japan was isolated.<br>The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to clarify ISHIBASHI's opinions, the theoretical structure of his arguments, and the controversial declarations he made during the Washington Conference of 1921-22.

1 0 0 0 政治家追放

著者
増田弘著
出版者
中央公論新社
巻号頁・発行日
2001
著者
増田 弘
出版者
石橋湛山記念財団
雑誌
自由思想 (ISSN:03850846)
巻号頁・発行日
no.138, pp.4-25, 2015-07