著者

佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.261-309, 1991-12-28

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The purpose of this paper is to examine two concepts, which wereput forward by M. G. Levin and N. N. Cheboksarov in 1950s, in the caseof the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin. One is the concept of"economic-cultural types" and the other is that of "historicalethnographicregions". These concepts were born in Soviet ethnology inthe studies of economic and cultural diversity among the peoples of thesame level of socio-economic development.Definition of the concepts by Levin and Cheboksarov is asfollows: the economic-cultural type is to be understood as historicallyformed complexes characteristic of a given economy and culture, typicalfor the peoples living under certain natural geographic conditions, ata certain level of socio-economic development; the historicalethnographicregions are the territories where a definite cultural entitywas formed as a result of continued relations among the people inhabitingthem, of their influences on one another, and of a similarity intheir historical destiny [LEVIN 1972: 3, 5].Levin and Cheboksarov grouped the peoples of northern Siberia intofive by the concept of economic-cultural types: 1. hunter-fishermenin taiga (Siberian forest), 2. sea mammal hunters in the arctic shore andBering sea, 3. fishermen on large rivers, 4. hunter-reindeer-breeders intaiga, and 5. reindeer nomads in tundra. According to them, an examinationof the major economic-cultural types of northern Siberia andthe [Soviet] far East reveals that: 1) the same economic-cultural type maydevelop among different peoples, in different, even remote, regions butonly under conditions of the same level of development of productiveforces and of a similar geographic environment; 2) different types in aparticular territory have definite historical continuity [succession]—under certain historical conditions one type develops intoanother, for instance some hunter-fishermen of the forest zone changedtheir economic-cultual type to "hunter-reindeer-breeders" by introducingrenideer-breeding; 3) the cultural traits characteristic of each type formin the first place through the orientation of the economy to certaingeographic conditions [LEVIN 1972: 5].They also grouped the same peoples by the concept of historicalethnographicregions: 1. Yamaro-Taimyr region, 2. Western Siberianregion, 3. Sayan-Altayan region, 4. Eastern Siberian region, 5. Kamchatka-Chukchi region, 6. Amur-Sakhalin region.Although these two concepts make it possible to classify the peoplesof Siberia and the Soviet Far East by cultural similarity and diversity,one can find some defects which must be corrected by examination ofconcrete cases.For instance, as it stands, the concept of the economic-cultural typescannot explain the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin whohave complex economic systems. Such a defect was caused by the factthat Levin and Cheboksarov did not systematically examine the productiveactivities of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far East.They mentioned only five activities: fishing, forest hunting, sea mammalhunting, forest rendeer breeding, and tundra rendeer breeding; but itis obvious that there are four other activities, i. e. tundra reindeer hunting,nomadism in steppe and forest-steppe zone, cultivating withdomesticated animals, and plant collecting. Each activity has not onlyeconomic meaning but has its own cultural phenomena and activities.In this paper I have made a typology of these productive activities andtheir respective cultures and called it "fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture". There are nine types in Siberia and the Soviet FarEast, because each of the above mentioned activities has its own culturalset and can be considered a distinct type.Economic systems of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far Eastconsist of combinations of these nine types, which are determined byecological and cultural conditions. The economic -cultural type, whichclearly show the relation between the economic system and culture, canbe defined as a combination of some of the fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture.From such a point of view, the "economic-cultural types" of thepeoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin can be grouped as follows: a) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, cultivationg with domesticatedanimals, and plant collecting (Nanais of Amur, Sungari and Ussuri); b)combination of fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, and plantcollecting (Ul'chi, Nivkhi, Orochi, Ainu, and Negidals), c) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, forest rendeer breeding,and plant collecting (Uilta and Evenki), d) forest hunting, fishing, plantcolledting (Udehes, a part of Nanais and Negidals, and Uilta and Evenkiwithout rendeer).An examination of these corrected "economic-cultural types"reveals that: 1) each type is fundamentally determined by the ecologicalsystem of the region; 2) it is often determined also by cultural andhistorical conditions, e. g., cultural interactions, development of productiveforce and technology, etc.; 3) the same economic-cultural type rarelyappears in regions geographically distant from each other (in contrast to"fundamental types of the productive activity and culture" which arecommon to regions distant from each other); 4) it is possible for a regionto change or step up from one type to another. Such a case is typicallycaused by the adoption of new productive activities or the technologicaldevelopment of present activities.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin somecultural elements concerning their productive activities or economicsystems, e. g. foods, fishing and hunting tools, utensils, and so on, arecommon to this area. This is because the people has formed a trade areasince the 17th century in this region and they trade or exchange their productsto provide each other with indespensable things of their daily life.Such a fact could be one of the factors which made this area one of thehistorical-ethnographic regions.As to the concept of the historical-ethnographic regions, there is acriticism that each region has been identified by the author's impression[大林 1990a: 51]. In fact, Levin and Cheboksarov did not show anytheoretical basis to distinguish the above mentioned six regions of theSiberian peoples. They proposed this concept in order to classify thepeople by the cultural elements and historical factors which are commonamong the people of the region but which have nothing to do withecological and economic systems. However, Levin and Cheboksarov didnot indicate such elements and factors in their works at all.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin it is true thatthere are many cultural elements and characteristics which are commonand unique to this region, and that therefore this area can be treated as agenuine historical-ethnographic region. However these elements andcharacteristics must be concretely shown.Cluster analysis is an effective way of classifying the cultures of theSiberian peoples, because it can quantitatively show the similarity anddiversity of cultures. Such analysis reveals distributions of the same orsimilar elements and one can clearly find the border of the region.Though it is difficult to show all the common elements and their distributionsin this brief paper, we can guess that there are three types of commonelements in Lower Amur and Sakhalin; 1) elements of fundamentalcultural stratum, 2) common elements of various ethnic origins (e. g.Tungus, Nivkhi, or Ainu origin), and 3) elements of Chinese, Manchu,Korean, or Japanese origin.It is also necessary to review the political and economic history ofthe given areas. The border of the historical-ethnographic region isoften decided by political borders or economic areas.In the case of Lower Amur and Sakhalin, the rule of the Qing dynasty(17th century—middle of 19th century) was decisive in creating a typicalhistorical-ethnographic region. The Nerchinsk treaty (1689) obstructedthe invasion of the Russians to this region, and the dynasty prohibitedthe immigration of other peoples of the empire to northeastern Manchuriain order to monopolize the fur trade in this area. It was only afew administrators and merchants who could visit there and have contactand trade with the people of this region.Such a policy encouraged the trade activity of the people of LowerAmur and Sakhalin to fourish. They traded not only with each otherbut also with the Chinese, Manchu, and Japanese traders at the entrancesof this region. The native traders exchanged ,products of eacharea and provided the people with various things from China, Manchuria,and Japan. Their activity mixed many different cultures, anddistributed them all over the region. It is inevitable that the politicalborder coincided with that of the historical-ethnographic region in thecase of Lower Amur and Sskhalin.In conclusion, we point out as follows: 1) by adopting the conceptof fundamental types of productive activity and culture, it becomes possibleto make a typology of economic systems and cultures of the peopleswith complex economic systems, and it becomes easier to examine theecological and historical factors which determined the characteristics ofeach type; 2) the historical and ethnic background of the historicalethnographicregion can be clearly shown in the case of Lower Amur andSakhalin. Cluster analysis and reexamination of regional history help usto identify an area which has common history and cultural elements, notinfluenced by ecological factors.

著者

呉人 恵 Megumi Kurebito

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.299-300, 2003-06-30

著者

仁田坂 英二 Eiji Nitasaka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.409-443, 2009-03-31

著者

Min Han 韓 敏

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.9-29, 2017-11-15

著者

福岡 まどか Madoka Fukuoka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.571-596, 2004-03-08

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この論考では,インドネシア,ジャワ島のワヤンにおけるマハーバーラタの叙事詩「世界」について考察する。通常,ワヤンの物語は,ヒンドゥー叙事詩であるラーマーヤナとマハーバーラタに由来するとされる。しかし,上演の中では,書かれたテクストに見られるような,叙事詩のひとすじの筋立てが示されることはない。一晩の上演の中で演じられるのは,叙事詩に由来する特定の演目lakon である。叙事詩の「世界」は,これらのひとつひとつの演目を集積することによって形成される。この論考では,ワヤンの上演においてマハーバーラタの「世界」が形成されるメカニズムについて理解するために,演目の様式的構造と,演目によって提示される登場人物の伝記的情報という要素に焦点をあてて,複数の演目の関連について考察する。

著者

寺村 裕史 宇野 隆夫 村上 智見

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2019-04-01

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本研究は、ユーラシア大陸における東西交流(東洋と西洋)の結節点としての古代シルクロード都市の果たした役割と、それらの都市を介して行われた人や文化の交流の実態を考古学的に明らかにすることを目的とする。具体的には、①現地研究者と協働で実施するカフィル・カラ遺跡の発掘調査ならびに出土遺物・遺構の比較研究、②ザラフシャン川中流域に点在する都市遺跡の分布踏査や衛星画像解析、③GISを用いた都市遺跡の立地や周辺環境の分析、の3点を研究の柱とする。それらを総合し、シルクロード都市の形成・発展過程ならびに人と文化の東西交流の動態について国際的な議論を深め、現地研究者と共同で成果を発信する。

著者

西尾 哲夫 中道 静香 Tetsuo Nishio Shizuka Nakamichi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.509-526, 2002-03-15

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This paper is a bibliographical survey of linguistic studies of theArabic language in Japan. The following bibliography includes thestudies concerning the usual linguistic domains, such as phonetics ,phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and studies on the Arabicwriting system (including calligraphy), as well as those concerningArabic traditional grammar, and the linguistic aspects of Arab societyand Islamic culture, and also Arabic teaching materials. This survey ispart of the research result of Survey of Arabic Studies Database(Research representative: Tetsuo Nishio), which was funded by a scientificresearch grant from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, andCulture in Japan (Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research: Grant No.09551008).

著者

阪本 寧男 Sadao Sakamoto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.17-33, 2009-03-31

著者

丹羽 典生 Norio Niwa

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

民博通信 = Minpaku Tsushin (ISSN:03862836)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.164, pp.16-17, 2019-03-29

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.p117-165, 1989

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The Kipsigis of Kenya have been using, as a tradition, decimalnotation. However, they hate and try to avoid countingnot only their members but also domestic animals, just like manyother east African pastoral peoples. This could be the reasonwhy they seem to have had, at first, the notion of numbersimply consisting of just the most basic numbers from one to ten.This plain notion of number is closely linked with the verb'saspect system of the Kipsigis language, and their views of timeand space.In counting 1-5 on fingers, a Kipsigis uses the left handfolding the fingers one by one. The little finger represents 1;the third finger 2; the middle finger 3; the forefinger 4; thethumb 5. In counting 6-10, he adds the fingers of the righthand to the left fist, one at a time. Now, the little fingerrepresents 6; the third finger 7; the middle finger 8; the forefinger9; the thumb 10.According to old Kipsigis men, the most basic numbers of1-10, at the same time, imply something more than the notionof number. 1-5, which are shown by the thumb and fingers ofthe left hand, symbolise oneself (1), oneself and the other, whichrepresents the community (2), conflictive situations existingbetween oneself and the community (3), harmonious situationsexisting between oneself and the community (4), and the completionof the cosmic harmony (5), respectively. In other words,the numbers represented by the thumb and fingers of the lefthand(1-5) symbolise the development of one's consciousness bysteps from self-orientated state to community-orientated state.On the other hand, each of 6-10, which are represented bythe thumb and fingers of right hand, just expresses linguisticallythat the indicated number is big and difficult to comprehend.Thus 10 (taman) literally means "It beats me" ( Taamenan).Above all, 5 (mut) and 10 (taman) linked themselves withthe notions of past, present, and future on which Kipsigis viewtime bases, as shown below. A transitive verb, mut, signifiesi) to encircle, and ii) to cut something into two. When a man`clenches a fist' (mumut) with the left hand , to connote 5, thisdivides the entire set of the basic numbers (1-10) into two, i.e.,the already counted 5 (1-5) and the uncounted 5 (6-10). InKipsigis amut, which can literally mean 'I cut it into two , is foryesterday. Mutai means morning in the Kipsigis language ingeneral, and yet it means to-morrow in the northern Kipsigisdialect, just as in some other Kalenjin languages, includingNandi and Terik. In addition, mutai can literally mean 'thefirst (tai) five (mut). Here making a fist for counting 5 is associatedwith a rotation of the sun, which causes day and night. Andtherefore closing both hands to count 10 is connected with thedoubled rotation of the sun, and, as the result, with yesterday(oin). Being the last number in the Kipsigis's basic numericalcounting system, 10 is also connected with the day after tomorrowand the day before yesterday, which are the terminals in theKipsigis's day-counting system.Taman (10) shares the common stem tam with a word tam,which means 'to become difficult' as an intransitive verb, and'every day' as an adverb . Then, koyoin (i.e., the day aftertomorrow) is closely associated with yoin or yoindet (i.e., the creator)which is usually referred as Asis. Asis is the Kipsigis's omnipotentGod that can be the sun as its emblem. On the other hand,oin (i.e., the day before yesterday) is closely associated withoindet, which means a dead ancestor.In Kipsigis view of time, the two-tiered mutai (tomorrow)/koyoin (the day after tomorrow) set faces its counterpart, theamut (yesterday) /oin (the day before yesterday) set, with ra orraini (i.e., today) between. The verb's time-aspect system ratherfaithfully reflects Kipsigis's view of time, for the two-tiered verb'sfuture-aspect set of tomorrow and the day after tomorrowconfronts the two-tiered past-aspect set of yesterday and the daybefore yesterday with a today-aspect between.In Kipsigis, the view of time is highly infiltrated by that ofspace. Adverbs of time are formed on the basis of local adverbs.Space is divided into three strata, i.e., over there (at a remoteplace), there (out of reach of the speaker), and here (within reachof the speaker), with the last one as the starting point. Thethree strata are indicated by the suffixes, -i, -on, and -in, respectively.Sets of pronouns also share a similar stratification.Moreover, the binary opposition of koyoin (the day aftertomorrow)/oin (the day before yesterday) has firm associationwith another binary opposition of east/west, through the intermediationof yoindet (the creator God sensed through the sun)/oindet (dead ancestor, who is in charge of death in its clan) binaryopposition. As the most important nucleus in the Kipsigis'ssymbolism, east represents the creator, the sun, sunrise, life, sky,future, and menfolk, whereas west represents ancestors, themoon, sunset, earth, past, and womenfolk.All in all, the Kipsigis system of counting on fingers isconsidered to be well-embeded in their symbolism as a whole.

著者

赤嶺 淳 Jun Akamine

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.97, pp.269-295, 2011-03-01

著者

内山 純蔵

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.185-238, 2002-12-20

著者

菅瀬 晶子 Akiko Sugase

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

民博通信 = Minpaku Tsushin (ISSN:03862836)

巻号頁・発行日

no.142, pp.12-13, 2013-09-30

著者

クーピナ ユリヤ Kupina Yulia ミハイロヴァ イェレナ Mikhailova Yelena

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.82, pp.143-155, 2009-03-31

著者

田中 雅一 Masakazu Tanaka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.445-516, 1989-01-27

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The aim of this article is to understand a Hindu villagefestival in terms of cosmological meanings and politicalfunctions. In the "Introduction" anthropological works on Hinduvillage festivals are reviewed first, and then a Kali goddess villagefestival, held at a Hindu fishing village on the western coast ofSri Lanka, is described and its rituals are interpreted. Finallythree themes are considered in order to understand the villagefestival as a whole. These themes are, first, the construction ofspatial categories such as the sea, village and forest; second, thecosmological opposition between Kali and evil spirits; and, last,the political domination of the village net-owners.The recent development of anthropological studies ofHindu village festivals is characterized by a shift from a structuralfunctionalistapproach to symbolic analysis. In the formerapproach social functions of the festival are emphasized and"village solidarity" is considered to be realized through theparticipation of the villagers in the festival, whereas in the latterthe cosmological dimension of the village festival is investigatedand more attention is paid to symbols such as sound, color,images, and the like. It is said that the village festival providesa rare occasion on which a village is renewed through the intrusionof the sacred. However, both approaches tend to ignore themulti-dimensional character of the festival, especially its politicalfunctions, and explain it in terms of either group-solidarity orsymbolism. It is argued that with some modifications Turner'sconcepts of "structure" and "anti-structure" are useful to theunderstanding of the political functions.The Kali goddess festival is held at her temple for ten days inthe month of avani (September-October). This is the time whenthe goddess originally appeared in the village, which had beensuffering from an epidemic, and saved the villagers. As it wasKali herself who had caused the epidemic, when she was properlyworshipped and given due respect, the fatal disease was controlled.On the first day, a medium, who is possessed by Kali duringthe festival, makes three ritual pots, one karakam and two kumpampots.The karakam-pot is used for a village procession, while thekumpam-pots are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of the Kalitemple. On the third, fifth and seventh day of the festival themedium goes into a trance in the sanctum sanctorum, places thekarakam-pot on his head, and starts going around the village withhis followers. Along the way villagers throw water to cool themedium's body. In exchange they receive margosa leaves andhang them on the fence around their houses. Hanging margosaleaves on the fence indicates that a household member is sufferingfrom small-pox, whose pustule is, it is believed, visual evidence ofpossession by a small-pox goddess. Therefore, the karakam-potprocession is interpreted as the intrusion of an epidemic. Thefestival re-acts the original event in which Kali first appeared tothe villagers and saved them from the epidemic. Kali representedas the karakam-pot is a goddess of epidemic. Accordinglythe village is described as "a community of suffering" (Turner).On the tenth day a goat is sacrificed in front of the Kaligoddess temple. With this sacrifice Kali is propitiated and herviolent and feverish character is transformed into a calm andbenevolent one. Then the ritual pots made on the first day areall thrown into the sea.Finally, Kali's brass-image is heavily decorated and is takenout from the temple for a village procession. Unlike the karakamprocession,it shows no reference to an epidemic disease. Rather,it symbolizes a joyful and triumphant occasion after the epidemiccum-divine has disappeared. When the brass-image comes backto the temple, puja (worship) is performed and pracada (sacralizedofferings) are distributed to festival patrons. They are villagenet-owners and some wealthy men.From a structural-functionalist point of view the villagefestival enforces "village solidarity" by representing it as a communityof suffering at the beginning and as a community oftriumph over the epidemic at the end. During the festival thevillage is clearly demarcated by a series of processions.Symbolically, the village festival shows the transformation ofKali from a violent, epidemic-causing goddess into a benevolent,grace-conferring one. The villagers make every effort to cooldown the goddess and propitiate her. Accordingly the villageis renewed, as are the villagers.From a political point of view the festival legitimizes andconstructs the politico-economic domination of a wealthy sectorof the fishing village, especially the net-owners. The villagersare divided into two classes; net-owners and their employees.All the fishermen contribute to the village festival as villagepatrons, but it is only the net-owners (and wealthy persons) whoare allowed to make additional contributions and, in exchangefor these, they have exclusive rights in receiving prasada at the endof the festival. In a sense they only support the non-ecstatic(structural) phase characterized by the brass-image of Kali,and not the ecstatic (anti-structural) phase, which is to be deniedat the end of the festival. They take over the collective effortof the villagers to transform Kali, and seem to say that, withouttheir financial support, neither the village festival nor thetransformation of the goddess would ever be possible. Thus itis through their contributions that the village is saved from theepidemic.

著者

樫永 真佐夫 Masao Kashinaga

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

民博通信 = Minpaku Tsushin (ISSN:03862836)

巻号頁・発行日

no.130, pp.2-7, 2010-10-29

著者

Yoshiko Shibata 柴田 佳子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.150, pp.225-293, 2020-03-31

著者

杉本 良男 Yoshio Sugimoto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.285-351, 2012-02-27

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小論は,スリランカの仏教改革者でかつ闘う民族主義者としてのアナガーリカ・ダルマパーラの流転の生涯,およびそれ以後のシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムの展開に関する人類学的系譜学的研究である。小論ではダルマパーラの改革理念のもつ曖昧性や不協和にこだわり,あらたに再編されたシンハラ仏教を,近代西欧的,キリスト教的モデルを否定しながらその影響を強くうけたものとして,その理想と現実との食い違いを明らかにする。こうした改革仏教はオベーセーカラによって2 つの意味を持つ「プロテスタント仏教」と名づけられた。ひとつには英国植民地支配に「プロテスト」するためのシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムと深く関わっている。ふたつには,マックス・ウェーバーのいう在家信者を主体とするプロテスタント的な現世内禁欲主義を仏教に応用しようとしたものである。しかしながら,ダルマパーラの急進的なナショナリスト的改革はいったん頓挫し,1950 年代半ばのバーダーラナーヤカ政権の「シンハラ唯一」政策などによって実質化されることになった。そのさい仏陀一仏信仰を旨とするプロテスタント的仏教は,宗教的に儀礼主義と偶像崇拝を排除し,また政治的にはタミル・ヒンドゥー教徒などの少数派を排除する論理を提供した。もともとナショナリズムと親和的なプロテスタンティズムの論理が貫徹したシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムはそれまであいまいであった民族間,宗教間の対立を実体化し深刻化する結果を招いた。ダルマパーラの改革仏教はそうした紛争の一因を提供した意味においても評価されなければならない。

著者

西 薫 ニシ カオル Kaoru Nishi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館調査報告 = Senri Ethnological Reports (ISSN:13406787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.138, pp.183-189, 2016-12-16

著者

韓 敏 Min Han

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

民博通信 = Minpaku Tsushin (ISSN:03862836)

巻号頁・発行日

no.141, pp.8-9, 2013-06-28