著者
清水 和裕
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.2, pp.55-72, 1995

In AH352/AD963, Mu'izz al-Dawla, a Buwayhid ruler of Baghdad, introduced two official observances: the public lamentations for the martyrdom of al-Husayn at the Day of 'Ashura, and the festival of Ghadir al-Khumm. From that time on, the religious strife between Sunni inhabitants of Baghdad and Shi'is became more serious. And in this situation, Sunni people invented two counter-celebrations to the Shi'i's: the visits to the Grave of Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr, and the festival of the Cave. Each observation of Sunni's and Shi'i's worked as a place for sectarianism. Then, we must ask the historical meanings of the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab, and why Sunnis chose Mus'ab as a counterpart to al-Husayn.<br>Mus'ab was appointed as a governor of Basra by his brother, Ibn al-Zubayr, the anti-Caliph of the Umayyad Caliphate in the Second Civil War. After he suppressed the Shi'i movement of al-Mukhtar, he waged several wars against the Umayyads and was killed by 'Abd al-Malik. Many historical stories depict him as a generous and brave man, but without piousness.<br>We can point out at least three factors that led to the invention of visits to the Grave of Mus'ab, as a counter-celebration of that of al-Husayn. First, he massacred al-Mukhtar and his followers, who held up a slogan: Revenge for al-Husayn. Secondly, the tragic story of his death bears a structural resemblance to that of al-Husayn. And thirdly, these two graves are placed symmetrically with respect to the city of Baghdad. All these factors show that the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab bore a social significance only as a contrast to that of al-Husayn.<br>In the Buwayhid Dynasty, we can see some religious symbols and symbolical acts of Shi'i's such as: (1) visits to the graves of Shi'i Imams, (2) Shi'i calls for prayer, (3) slogans written to the gates and paths of their quarters, (4) public insults for Sahabas, (5) Catapults which they brought with to the graves. These symbols promoted their internal cohesiveness and invoked their sectarianism more openly, while Sunnis, who had been offended by Shi'i usage of these symbols, began to seek their own.<br>They then found a symbol, which corresponded to one of the most important Shi'i Symbols of &ldquo;the Death of al-Husayn&rdquo;, in a historical account of &ldquo;the Death of Mus'ab&rdquo;. That is to say, under the social situation of the aggravated religious strifes, they found a new meaning in the death of a governor who lived in the Second Civil war and symbolized it as a counterpart to &ldquo;the Death of al-Husayn&rdquo;, which led them to the visit of his grave.<br>We can point out that the sectarian symbols of both parties became more open and complicated, which it brought more serious confrontations in the later rule of the Buwayhids, and must be considered as a significant feature of the religious strife during this period.
著者
塩尻 和子
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.1, pp.33-49, 1989

What is the criterion of good and evil brought forth endless controvercies in the Islamic ethics between the rationalists and the conservative groups; the former insisted that it could be known through the human reason, and the latter confined the authoritative criterion only to the revelation and its derivatives. The rationalists, the Mu'tazilah, maintain that the good and evil is inherent in the nature of the act itself and can be understood by the reason. For them the criterion of good and evil must be intrinsic and objective.<br>Based on this traditional Mu'tazilite ethical principles, 'Abd al Jabbar, who is a great scholar belonging to the later Mu'tazilah, elaborated his own ethics. He brought situational and prudential perspective into the judgment of ethical good-evil, taking into account various aspects and levels of the actual acts.<br>&ldquo;Benefit&rdquo;, one of the key terms in his ethics, is always correlated to Good, while &ldquo;Injury&rdquo; is to Evil. An act is good when it brings forth &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; or when it defends Injury. Since the criterion of Good and Evil is put on the balance of &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; and &ldquo;Injury&rdquo;, &ldquo;Injury&rdquo; which &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; exceeds is judged as Good. All these prudential judgments can be rightly grasped by man's reason. However, as ethics must be always valid, 'Abd al Jabbar states that &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; must not be of worldly selfish profits, nor should be gained by wrong means.<br>To consider the whole aspects of his ethics together, he seems to conceive a qualitative hierarchy of Benefit, of which the highest is the creation of God itself; &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; not in a prudential nor rational sense, but in a eschatological sense. In the side of man, &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; in the ultimate sense will be realized in the hereafter in accordance with what he has done in this world.<br>In this sphere &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; has both the rational and eschatological meaning in 'Abd al Jabbar's ethics, even though it has situational and prudential aspects. The study of the whole relevance of these aspects is my next task.
著者
鈴木 啓助 小林 大二
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
地理学評論. Ser. A (ISSN:00167444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.11, pp.707-724, 1987-11
被引用文献数
13

北海道北部の森林小流域(流域面積1.28krn2)において融雪流出の観測を行ない,融雪流出水の化学的な性質の検討,および融雪流出の形成機構についての考察を行なった。その結果,次のことが明らかになった. (1) 河川水中のCl<sup>-</sup>濃度は融雪初期に高く,後期には低くなる。HCO<sub>3</sub><sup>-</sup>濃度は融雪期に融雪の前後より低くなる. (2) 河川水中の陰イオン組成は,融雪開始前はHCO<sub>3</sub><sup>-</sup>が主要な成分であるが,融雪の開始とともに次第にCrの割合が大きくなり,融雪最盛期にはCrとHCO3<sup>-</sup>の当量がほぼ等しくなる.融雪完了後には融雪開始前の陰イオン組成に戻る. (3) 融雪最盛期の湧水のHCO<sub>3</sub><sup>-</sup>濃度は融雪開始前の河川水の濃度よりわずかに低く,Cl<sup>-</sup>濃度は融雪開始前の河川水の濃度よりわずかに高い.湧水を形成する「ふるい水」もその化学的性質は一定ではなく,わずかに融雪の影響を受けている. (4) 「ふるい水」のCl<sup>-</sup>濃度が徐々に変化するとして,水とCl<sup>-</sup>の質量保存則により2成分の流出成分分離を行なった結果,河川流量に占める「あたらしい水」の割合は,ピーク時でも約40%に過ぎず,日流出高については最大でも22%を占めるに過ぎない. (5) 融雪の進行に伴う積雪域の後退により,「ふるい水」の流出形態に変化がみられる.積雪域が河道近傍まで広がっているときには,「あたらしい水」の地中への浸透による「ふるい水」の押し出し流が顕著であり,積雪域の後退に従い押し出し流の効果が遅くかつ少なくなる.
著者
塩尻 和子
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.1, pp.30-44, 1990

It is the foundation of the ethics in Islam that man is to be judged hereafter according to what he has done in this world. On the resurrection God will create man anew as same as created first time in this world. 'Abe al-Jabbar established his theory on the self-identity which continues from this world to the hereafter from the viewpoint of the Mu'tazilite atomic ontology, in which the things in this world are conceived to be composed of atoms and their inhering accidents.<br>On the contrary to most of the earlier Mu'tazila who insist that the reality of man be the spirit, 'Abd al-Jabbar maintains that his reality is in his total living body with the life and the physical structure in addition to the spirit. The spirit is distinct from the physical body and it cannot be realized without life in the body. Man is not only an exterior unity composed of several atoms and accidents with its special structure distinct from other beings, but also an interior unity composed of spirit, life and other accidents. In this meaning he calls man "Living Totality (jumla al-hayy)".<br>On the resurrection, this living totality is to be created anew as the same man as in this world. 'Abd al-Jabbar conceives the minimal unit of the atoms (aqall al- ajza') which survives the resurrection and continues to be in the hereafter. While the spirit perishes together with life and physical body at the death of man, the minimal unit of the atoms remains and is transferred to the next life. The core of his identity is this minimal unit of the atoms. This will be the kernel, the centre of self-identity in the hereafter; a substrate in which the new spirit, the new life and the new physical body, completely distinct from those of this world, will inhere.