著者
上森 理弘
出版者
[出版者不明]
巻号頁・発行日
2013-02

制度:新 ; 報告番号:甲3923号 ; 学位の種類:博士(理学) ; 授与年月日:2013/3/15 ; 主論文の冊数:1 ; 早大学位記番号:新6295
著者
河崎 靖
出版者
京都大学人間・環境学研究科ドイツ語部会
雑誌
ドイツ文學研究 (ISSN:04195817)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, pp.41-56, 2012-03-25
著者
林 衛
巻号頁・発行日
pp.1-39,

自然にはたらきかけ,自然を改変しながら進化的適応をはたしてきた人間やその営みを理解するためには,はたらきかけの対象である自然環境の理解が欠かせない。自然環境の理解は,人間やその営みの限界(ポジティブな表現では到達点)や矛盾を照らし出すはたらきをもっている。地球惑星科学の探究者はしばしば,その最先端にいてそれら限界や矛盾にいちはやく気づける。社会の代表者として探究をしている科学研究者ならではの役割は,市民社会の構成員であるほかの主権者(市民)と探究の目的や成果の共有を図ることにある。しかし,地球惑星科学によって得られる知見や批判的思考力はしばしば「抑制」され,活用されず,学問が軽視あるいはねじ曲げられる状況が放置され,自然災害や原発震災の原因となってきた。「御用学者」問題発生に通ずる科学リテラシーや批判的思考力の「抑制」とその克服の道筋を,認知科学的な「共感」と理性のはたらかせ方のメタ認知から始まる人の「倫理」の視点から考察する。
著者
広田 照幸
出版者
東京大学社会科学研究所
雑誌
社會科學研究 (ISSN:03873307)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3/4, pp.137-155, 2006-03-28

本稿は,戦後日本において,歴史社会学的な観点から教育の諸問題を考察した研究の成立と発展をたどり,課題を検討する.1950年代には社会学的な歴史研究の4つの方向が存在した.しかし,1950年代後半からの高度成長によって,それらは途絶した.代わって,1960年前後に歴史研究に着手した若い教育社会学者たちは,機能主義的近代化論に依拠した研究を始めた.それは,当時の教育の課題と密接に関わった歴史研究であった.近代化が達成された後の1970年代半ば~1980年代には,教育社会学者たちは「学歴主義」に注目することで,行き詰まりを免れ,現代社会と密接に関わる歴史研究をまとめることができた.1990年代には教育の歴史社会学の研究成果は量的に増加した.そこでは,これまでの研究がより各論的に追求されるとともに,ポストモダン論などに刺激された言説研究や社会史研究が新たに登場した.しかし,学歴主義の風化,ポストモダン論の変質,大胆な教育改革などの社会の変化は,歴史研究の現代的意義を希薄なものにしてしまった.教育の歴史社会学は,現代社会の変化をふまえた,新たな問題の立て方を必要としている.
著者
江上敏哲
巻号頁・発行日
pp.1-119, 2007

平成19年度図書系職員海外調査研修 派遣先: ハーバード・イェンチン図書館, 2007年4月~2008年3月
著者
二瓶 マリ子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.151-164, 2008-03

This paper examines the social conditions of Mexican American youths of the 1940s, particularly of a group known as the pachucos. Pachuco is a term that refers to working-class Mexican American male youths who wore zoot suits in southwestern cities during the 1940s. Often seen as gangsters by mainstream Los Angeles the pahucos became increasingly marginalized in the city.//Thirty years later during the 1970s many ethnic groups began to undergo a phenomenon known as ethnic revival or an awakening of their own ethnicity. Under this influence, some Mexican American intellectuals and artists such as Luis Valdez and Ruben Salazar recognized the pachuco as the origin of Mexican American consciousness.//Why did some Mexican Americans of the 1970s equate the pachucos with their ethnic origin in spite that they were terribly feared and despised a generation ago? There were several Mexican heroes such as Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata who could be used as the origin of ethnic consciousness. But why did the pachucos feature as the roots of this ethnic awakening?//This paper deals with this question by looking at the relationship between pachucos and other ethnic groups in Los Angeles during the 1940s. It does so, by analyzing two historical incidents that involved pachucos: the Sleepy Lagoon murder in 1942 and the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943.
著者
足立 芳宏
出版者
京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻
雑誌
生物資源経済研究 (ISSN:13418947)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, pp.39-76, 2012-03-22

As a result of the Nazi-enforced migration policy at the beginning of WWII, Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) farmers from Bessarabia, Volhynia, and Galicia as well as Baltic states resettled in the villages of the annexed Polish areas such as Warthegau and Dazig-Westpreussen, after the native Polish peasants had been deported to the Government General. In Japan, the details of this policy, called Heim ins Reich (back to the Reich), are still not very well understood, except those dealing with the phases of the Holocaust. The purpose of this paper is to describe the experience of the resettlement of the “ethnic German” farmers; it could provide a fresh perspective on this wartime settlement policy, further bringing out its historical continuity to land reform in Postwar East Germany. (1) It is important to note that the targets of the Nazi settlement policy were not the Reichsdeutsche (imperial German) but the Volksdeutsche. Through a racial screening conducted by the Schutzstaffel (SS) before entering annexed Poland, it was found that the SS staff disliked and strongly opposed the concept of consanguineous marriage, while insisting that the ethnic norms were not applied as strictly as expected, as it resulted in criticism for a Nazi local party leader who was representing the resettlers and the complaints raised by them; here, we can observe a discrepancy between them with regard to their understanding of Nazi racial ideology. (2) The action program was designed to simultaneously accomplish both settlement and deportation and was executed systematically and quickly -in only half a day- under the command of the SS organs by mobilizing Nazi activists, including assistant staff members from Nazi women societies, county officials, and local community leaders of native resident ethnic Germans (called "native Germans" in this paper). Further, in the allocation of land and housing, the SS allocated multiple small Polish farms to a German resettler's family with the aim of building an independent family farm with a size of more than 15 ha. (3) After the resettlement, there was heightened "ethnic" conflict within the local community, especially between the German resettlers and the native Germans. Such conflict was in contradiction with the Nazi concept of Volksgemeinschaft (national community). The native Germans remained almost as poor as they were before the settlement policy, like the Polish peasants, and this convinced them that they were not treated favorably by the Nazi, because they perceived the non-allocation of additional farmland to them as unfair. Moreover, they used a different language when communicating among themselves, and their lack of fluency in the German language made communication between the resettlers and the natives difficult. For example, the Bessarabia usually spoke the Schwabisch (Swabia) dialect, whereas the natives were more familiar with Polish. (4) As far as farming after resettlement was concerned, the most serious problem for resettlers was how to control Polish servants, both agricultural and domestic. The military conscription of husbands and sons resulted in the shortage of agricultural labor, which forced the farmer's wives to employ Polish labor. Therefore, they suffered extreme physical pain and mental trauma, brought about by the increased passive resistance by the Polish labor. Despite a good harvest in 1942, overall, it had become tougher for resettlers to carry out farming since 1943. (5) The collapse of the Third Reich led to the deportation of the ethnic Germans from the polish settlement and to their migration to Germany as refugee groups. Through land reform in Postwar East Germany, some of them acquired farmland and became newly involved in farming. Interestingly, there were many cases wherein they acquired farms abandoned by other new farmers around the second half of the 1940s, possibly with the help of the old ethnic German's network. Thus, using their connection with their native villages, they intended to resettle in several areas in an attempt to adapt to the strict agricultural policy of Postwar East Germany.
著者
山本 彩
出版者
北海道大学大学院教育学研究院
雑誌
北海道大学大学院教育学研究院紀要 (ISSN:18821669)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.119, pp.197-218, 2013-12-25

近年,自閉症スペクトラム障害(以下ASD)をもつ人への支援方法は急速に発展してきたが,その多くは本人への直接支援を前提としているものであり,本人への支援が必要と考えられるが本人は支援を拒否するという場合については,介入方法は未整理であった。支援を拒否する本人の支援への動機づけを高めるためには,物質依存者とその家族を包括的に介入するCommunity Reinforcement and Family Training(以下CRAFT)が参考になると考えられるが,CRAFT は本人が深刻な家庭内暴力や犯罪行為をもつ場合にはプログラム適用から除外するという課題が残る。筆者は,本人がASD 特性を背景にもち支援を拒否している,家庭内暴力や違法行為などの行動の問題に対して,CRAFT,危機介入,ASD 支援の先行研究を組み合わせたプログラムを作成し用いている。本稿ではそのプログラムの理論的背景と具体的内容を紹介し,最後に考察を加える。 Support programs for individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) have grown rapidlyin recent years, and many such initiatives are designed to provide direct support. No interventionprograms have been established for ASD patients who are reluctant to receive support despite theapparent need. Against such a background, the Community Reinforcement and Family Training(CRAFT) program is regarded as a useful resource for motivating reluctant ASD patients toaccept support. CRAFT is intended to provide comprehensive help to individuals requiring assistance for substance abuse and to individuals’ families. However, CRAFT is not available topeople who commit acts of serious domestic violence or perpetrate crimes. The study developsa program that integrates CRAFT, crisis intervention, and other approaches covered in previousstudies on support for individuals with ASD. Highlighting the program’s theoretical background and details, this study discusses a number of additional consid erations.
著者
池内 有為 逸村 裕
出版者
日本図書館情報学会
雑誌
日本図書館情報学会誌 (ISSN:13448668)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.1, pp.20-37, 2016-03

学術雑誌によるデータ共有ポリシーの分野別状況を明らかにするため,22 分野各10 誌の投稿規定を調査した。リポジトリにデータを公開して論文に識別子を記すポリシーと補足資料のポリシーを,それぞれの要求の強度に従って4 段階に分類した。生物・医学の10 分野はリポジトリによるデータ共有ポリシーの掲載率や強度が高い傾向にあり,共通のリポジトリを例示していたが,農学,薬理学・毒物学,精神医学・心理学の掲載誌はそれぞれ7,6,2 誌であり領域内で差がみられた。地球科学,宇宙科学,社会科学はデータ共有が盛んであるが,リポジトリによるポリシーの掲載誌は7,6,4 誌であった。また,工学など6 分野は0~2 誌であった。全220 誌の掲載率はリポジトリが59.5%,補足資料が89.5%であった。研究倫理やCOI(利益相反)に関する記述がある雑誌や商業出版社の雑誌は掲載率や強度が高い傾向にあることから,データ共有ポリシーは研究不正と関連があることが示唆された。