著者
黒川 由希
出版者
一般社団法人中国研究所
雑誌
中国研究月報 (ISSN:09104348)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.4, pp.16-29, 2013-04-25

王韜(1828-1897)の文言筆記小説集『淞濱瑣話』と旅行記『漫游随録図記』は,上海の新聞『申報』の副刊『点石斎画報』に1887年より付録として同時に連載された。『淞濱瑣話』には明清文学の流れを継ぐ「艶史」が多数収録されているのに対し,『漫游随録図記』には,近代欧州の見聞が記されている。対照的に見える二書からは,明清文人の末裔としての王韜が如何に近代ヨーロッパの風俗を受け止めたのかの軌跡を窺うことが出来る。本稿は近代中国で最も早く女性の権利拡張に関心を示した思想家の一人である王韜の女性像に焦点を当てることで,19世紀後半上海に生活した中国知識人の女性観の一端を解明しようと試みるものである。
著者
晏 妮
出版者
奈良女子大学大学院人間文化研究科
雑誌
人間文化研究科年報 (ISSN:09132201)
巻号頁・発行日
no.28, pp.41-51, 2012

After the Boxer uprising, the Qing government promoted educational reform inaccordance with the New Policies. In 1902, Wu Xin, a graduate of Nan-yang Academy,established a girls' school called Wu-ben nü-shu in Shanghai. Wu, accepting the support offamily, recognized the importance of a girls' school and asked Shimoda Utako, a specialist ongirls' education in Japan, to send a female Japanese teacher. Thus, Kawahara Misako arrivedat Shanghai to become a teacher at Wu-ben nü-shu in September 1902.Generally, October 24,1902, is considered the day Wu-ben nü-shu was established.However, Chen Xie-fen visited the school on July 12 that year,and Kawahara arrived inSeptember. After consulting several materials, I can infer that the school was established inJanuary 1902 of the lunar calendar.Finally, I clarified the school's early state of affairs through Kawahara's memoirs.
著者
孔 穎
出版者
関西大学大学院東アジア文化研究科
雑誌
東アジア文化交渉研究 = Journal of East Asian cultural interaction studies (ISSN:18827748)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.493-504, 2013-03

The Chinese term "Wo Nu" (倭奴), literary meaning "Japanese Slaves", was used to refer to the Japanese Nation before Yuan Dynasty, and had grown into an equivalent of "Wo Kou", or "Japanese pirates", by the time of Yuan and Ming Dynasties. However, the term became more complicated in the context of Macao during Ming Dynasty: it included some half-merchant-half-pirate "Wo Kou" and more Japanese Christian exiles fleeing the crackdown of Catholicism back home; in addition, there were large numbers of slaves in the true sense of the word, purchased by the Portuguese from Kyushu, Japan. It is this last group of "Wo Nu" that draws the attention of the present essay, which seeks to clarify the meaning of the term by using Chinese, Japanese and Western materials and to justify the Ming Cantonese Government's judgments of the nature of the Wo Nu in Macao and its policies toward them.
著者
丸橋 充拓
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.72, no.3, pp.398-424, 2013-12

The Da Tang Kai-yuan Li 大唐開元禮, compiled in the eighth century in China, is a corpus of ancient rituals of state, into which military rituals were incorporated. We can divide the military rituals into two categories. One type is composed of rituals performed in wartime, and the other is training rituals conducted in peacetime. I would like to focus on the former in this paper. The Kai-yuan Li prescribed that at the beginning and the end of warfare, a series of ceremonials were to be carried out at the Ancestral Temple 太廟 and the Altar of Earth 太社, where the commander would announce his departure and return to the spirits of the previous rulers and the gods of localities. In addition, when the emperor was personally leading troops in battle, he would offer the sacrifice to Heaven at the Round Altar 圜丘 in the suburban area of the capital. It had been common practice to carry out the ceremonials at the Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth from prior to the Han period. In contrast, it was during the latter half of the Former-Han period that the sacrifice to the Heaven was united with these two ceremonials by Confucian scholars, who had just assumed power and established their ritualism. We can see the extent of their theoretical achievements in the Li ji. However, officials and scholars often disputed how to put the theory into practice and organize the rites of state. The main issue was whether the sacrifice to Heaven should be carried out after victorious troops returned to the capital. According to the pertinent passage of the Li ji, Confucian Ritualism prescribed that the sacrifice be held only on the occasion of marching off to war. But the sacrifice after warfare was, in fact, frequently performed in the Han, Wei, Jin, and the Southern Dynasties. On the other hand, it was in the Northern Dynasties that the ritual theory, which did not refer to the postwar sacrifice, was faithfully observed. The afore-mentioned Tang ritual followed the tradition of those of the Northern Dynasties, especially that of the Bei-Qi. In addition to the above considerations, I analyzed the reason why war would be started and ended through ritual procedures rather than those of law, even though the warfare was closely related to legitimate violence. The right of command in the battlefield was not vested in the ruler himself. Military force was to be authorized by the spirits of the previous rulers, the gods of the localities, and Heaven. Therefore, the reigning ruler needed to perform the rituals in order to confirm and emphasize his direct ties with those supernatural forces.
著者
佐藤 智水
出版者
龍谷大学
雑誌
佛教文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:02895544)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, pp.77-113, 2006-11
被引用文献数
1