著者

岡田 紅理子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, 2020

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本発表は、台湾で「原住民族」と自称・公称されるオーストロネシア語族系先住民族のキリスト教への改宗要因を、「アミ」とカトリック教会を事例として検討するものである。多神的コスモロジーを有していたアミがキリスト教という一神崇拝へと移行し得た過程と、カトリック信仰が選択された要因とを彼らの日本植民地経験から分析し、「国家神道」を教化システムとしても作用する「宗教」として捉えることが可能であるのかを検討する。

著者

名和 克郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.297-317, 1992-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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本稿の目的は, 「民族」に関する議論を, 理論的な側面において前進させることにある。前半では, 主観的定義と客観的定義, 重層性, 相対性, 「名」の問題など, 従来行われてきた「民族」に関する幾つかの議論を批判的に検討する。後半では, 筆者の「民族」に関する基本的な立場を, 内堀の民族論を大幅に援用しつつ述べる。民族は実体としては存在せず, 「名」と実体をめぐる民族論的状況のみが存在していること, 「民族」の原初的側面と手段的側面の関係は, 「民族」による個体の死の代替という仮説によって説明出来ること, 「民族」とは, 内堀が抽出した機構を通じて, 個体の死の代替物として想像される集団と定義出来ること, ネイションやエスニシティの問題もこうした機構無しには考えられないこと, ネイションとエスニック・グループの連続性を見失うべきでないこと, 民族誌家は「○○族は」という抽象化にはあくまで慎重であるべきことが主な論点である。

著者

金谷 美和

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

文化人類学 (ISSN:13490648)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.77-98, 2005-06-30 (Released:2017-09-25)

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本研究は、インド西部グジャラート州カッチの女性によって着用されている頭に被る布オダニーの着用に注目し、布の着用を通して作られるヒンドゥーとムスリムの境界について考察したものである。衣服が、着用者の属性を示し、コミュニティ間の境界を示す機能をもっことは知られている。しかし、コミュニティの境界そのものや、境界を指標する衣服は固定的ではなく、衣服の着用者の所属するコミュニティの外部との関わりのなかで変化してゆくものであるインドが英国の植民地から独立して以降、境界の明確化、差異化が進行しており、宗教的なアイデンティティの高まりや、宗教の違いによってコミュニティを区別することは、そのような変化の過程として捉えるべきである。オダニーは、婚家において女性が特定の姻族の男性から顔を隠すアンダルという既婚女性の慣習の媒体であり、その機能や意味はヒンドゥーとムスリムによって共有されていた。しかし、ここ50年ほどの間で、オダニー着用の方法や意味は、ヒンドゥーとムスリムで異なる方向に変化していった。その変化によって、ヒンドゥーとムスリムの境界は、衣服の違いとして明確になっていった。衣服による可視的な差異と境界の明確化と並行して、ヒンドゥーとムスリムという宗教の違いが、次第にコミュニティ帰属の最も重要な要素として人々に認識されるようになっていったのである。

著者

宮田 登

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.426-429, 1982-03-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

佐野 賢治

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.235-258, 1976-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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The eel is an interesting creature from the standpoint of biology, that is, its migration, its geographical distribution, its transformation of sex and so on. And because of its mysterious life, many legends and beliefs concerning the eel also have been originated and transmitted all over the world since ancient times. What interests the author is the ethnographic information that some ethnic groups don,t eat eels at all in Formosa, Micronesia, the Philippines and so on, with relation to totem ,animal and ancestor worship. Although we can hear a lot of folklore concerning eels in Japan, a non-eel-diet taboo is almost always told with Buddhist Kokuzo-Belief. The folk-explanation is that an eel is the messenger or the favorite food of Kokuzo-Budhisattva (akasa-garbha) and therefore should not eat it. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an interrelationship between eels and Kokuzo-Budhisatta and to analyse several aspects of a non-eel-diet taboo in the historical ,context. Japanese folktales around the eel are classified according to the following items : (a) An eel as the messenger of a Kami (god) or of Buddha. The deities usually represented being that of Suijin (a water deity) , Mishimamyojin (三島明神) , Konpiragongen (金比羅宮) or Kokuzo-Bodhisattva. (b) An eel which transforms itself into a man, usually a monk. This eel usually represents the guardian spirit of a pond or river. (c) A one-eyed eel. These always possess magical powers. (d) An unusual or mutated eel and its activities. (i. e. a red, yellow or white eel an eel having large ears.) (e) The origin of a place name after an eel ; i. e., eel-mound, eel-wamp, eel-abyss, eel-paddy, etc. An overview of these folk tales leads to the following concept : People in early times thought the eel was a water deity itself, or the messenger of a water deity who was the guardian spirit of a pond, marsh, river, deep or lake. The eel inspired apprehension among these primitive folk due to its strange appearance and activities. Also in Japan, there is some evidence which indicates that the eel may be a mythical ancestor. The belief that spiritual creatures in water bodies may change into a one-eyed eel, which indicates the tenement of a god, is an idea promulgated by the late Kunio Yanagita. In another legend, the eel appears in a deluge in which the eel is transformed into a monk who warns the populace of approaching disaster and consequently saves them from catastro-phe. Kokuzo-Bodhisattva beliefs have included the mitigation or avoidance of disaster since the Nara Period. One particular Kokuzo sutra, which prevailed widely among temples practicing Kokuzo beliefs in Japan, portrays Kokuzo-Bodhisattva as an itinerant priest who displays his ability to avert disaster more effectively than any other Bodhisattva. Shingon Sect priests (当山派修験) , as proponents of this Kokuzo belief, have connected this belief with that of the eel and its appearance during innundation. The aforementioned information is the product of research data obtained from Tokurenji Temple (徳蓮寺) in Mie Prefecture. Tokurenji Temple belongs to the Shingon Sect and has tradition that the itinerant Kobodaishi (a founder of the Shingon Sect) stayed at this temple at some point in its early history. Many "Ema" (small wooden tablets with an optative phrase and a suitable picture) are dedicated to this temple and most of them are pictures drawn with a catfish and an eel. we can guess that the catfish was added at a later date because of the synonimity of its name and the name of a skin disease "namazu" and the folk-connection of the catfish to the cure of the disease.

著者

田川 夢乃

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, 2020

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本発表の目的は、フィリピン、マニラ首都圏の日系カラオケパブX店でのフィールド・データをもとに、セックスワークの現場における金銭を介した交換と親密な関係について検討することである。ここでは特に、サービス提供者たちが「ボーイフレンド」や「ジョワ(jowa)」と呼ぶ顧客との関係性に焦点を当て、それぞれの関係には利害関係と恋愛関係の二分法では説明できない親密な関係性の広がりがあることを明らかにする。

著者

服部 四郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.100-101, 1955-02-20 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

多和田 裕司

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.1-19, 1991-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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本論文,マレーシア・クランタン州におけるマレー系村落での実地調査に基づき,村落におけるリーダーシップの検討を通して,何がマレー・リーダーシップの基盤に存在しているのかを分析する。そのさい,ひとりのプンフル(村落レベルでのリーダー)の姿を具体的に描き出すことによって,従来の社会構造論的,機能論的研究においては見逃されてきた文化的な「力」がリーダーシップを構成する力として存在することを指摘する。

著者

煎本 孝

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.125-154, 1988-09-30

被引用文献数

1

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アイヌの狩猟の象徴的意味と行動戦略を、文献資料、調査資料に基づき、生態学的および民族生態学的視点から分析した。アイヌの狩猟技術の特徴は、矢毒(トリカブト)、自動装置(仕掛弓)、手持ち弓と狩猟犬の使用である。矢毒と犬は、それぞれトリカブトの神、庭にいる神と考えられており、火の媼神の使者として山の神(熊)を招待する役割を持つ。アイヌ(人間)とカムイ(神、精霊)との間の互酬性は、山の神(熊)の招待と送還という肯定的機序、および、悪い神(悪態;狩猟の不確定性、危険性の象徴)に対する防御、反撃、制裁という否定的機序から成る。熊祭は人間界で飼育された子熊を、特別な使者として熊の先祖のもとに送還することにより、互酬性の反復を意図とする発展した肯定的機序として解釈される。また、占い、夢見は良い狐の頭骨の神、森の樹の女神からの伝言と考えられており、狩猟行動の意志決定における重要な機能をはたす。以上の分析から、狩猟における行動戦略は、人間によって認識された自然と、現実の自然との間の相互作用の動的過程として理解される。

著者

玉城 毅

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集 日本文化人類学会第47回研究大会 (ISSN:21897964)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.108, 2013 (Released:2013-05-27)

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本研究は、沖縄の糸満漁民の移動から定住への過程に着目し、移住に始まった漁民の流動的な状況からどのような秩序がいかにして形成されたかを明らかにすることを目的としている。それによって、流動性の高さが指摘されてきた東アジア・東南アジアの多くの漁民と比べると、定住化の傾向が高い糸満漁民の特徴を明らかにするとともに、流動状況から秩序が形成され志向されるやり方についての沖縄的な文化モデルを提示する。

著者

山田 秀三

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.146, 1972-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

桑原 牧子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集 日本文化人類学会第43回研究大会 (ISSN:21897964)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.82, 2009 (Released:2009-05-28)

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タヒチ社会では西欧人接触以前から現在に至るまで、生物学的には男性として生まれたが、家事や子育てなど、女性としての役割を担うマフ(mahu)と呼ばれる性を生きる人々がいる。近年になり、このマフに加えて、女装や化粧をする人々に対してラエラエ(raerae)という呼び名も使われるようになった。本発表では、そのようなマフとラエラエの名称の呼び名の使われ方をタヒチ島とボラボラ島の事例を比較して分析する。

著者

後藤 明

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

文化人類学 (ISSN:13490648)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.2, pp.164-178, 2014-09-30

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While the human interest in astronomical phenomena has a long history, the academic study of cultural phenomena with astronomical significance has only begun in the middle of the 20_<th> century: e.g., studies of Stonehenge and Megalithic structures in Europe pioneered by astronomers and archaeologists. That trend stimulated similar studies in the New World, with many studies of ancient civilizations, such as the Aztec, Maya and Inka, first appearing in the 1970's. In contrast to Old World studies, which are mainly based on archaeological methods, the studies in the New World tend to integrate archaeological and ethnographic information. One reason for that seems to stem from the difference of disciplines, since archaeology in the United States was long treated as part of anthropology. It also used to be possible to research ethnographic information concerning astronomical phenomena in the New World based on archival study and fieldwork. In that context, several excellent pieces of literature of ethnoastronomy have been written that explicate a different way of viewing the sky and universe [e.g. Hudson and Underhay 1978; Urton 1981; Chamberlain 1982]. In addition, the concept of cosmovision proposed by J. Broda [1982, 1993] has been found to be a useful device to approach an integrated view of cosmology and cosmogony [Fairer 1992]. A similar trend is found in other parts of the world, such as Oceania and Africa [e.g. Sharp 1993]. Under those circumstances, the author argues that archaeological and ethnological studies are to be integrated as an anthropology of astronomical phenomena, or "astronomical anthropology." Through that integration, anthropology will serve an important role in the interdisciplinary field of "astronomy in culture" or "cultural astronomy" [Ruggles and Saunders 1993; Valls-Gabaud and Boksenberg 2011]. Recently, the positioning of astronomy in culture and society has become an important topic, with serious discussions of the reevaluation of indigenous astronomy and its teaching to the younger generation [Holbrook et al. 2009; Ruggles 2011]. The author argues that the anthropologists interested in astronomy should not restrict their role to recording past and endangered customs, but instead should participate actively in revitalizing indigenous astronomy as a form of practical knowledge (e.g., the education of modern star navigation in the context of the Oceanic canoe renaissance). In that sense, astronomical anthropology will be able to contribute to reconstructing "neo-science," meaning the refraining of indigenous knowledge as another system of science. Its reutilization should be directed not only toward the construction of symbols of cultural revival activities, but also such practical educational purposes as weather and seasonal reckoning.

著者

飯島 吉晴

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.312-333, 1978-03-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

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In Japan the house is an internal space (culture) cut off from the outside world (nature). It is not only a dwelling place, but it also forms a microcosm composed of two categories front and back. The front part of a Japanese house is a light, clean, superior and formal (central) place in daily life, while the back part which is composed of a kitchen, toilet, bedrooms, store-rooms and stable is regarded as a dark, dirty, inferior and informal (peripheral) place. In the front rooms, usually called Dei (出居) or Omote (=front, 表), gods of famous local shrines and ancester-gods are worshipped by householders and regular priests. But, in the back rooms, on the other hand, Ebisu-Daikoku (=gods of good fortune, エビス・大黒), Ta-no-kami (=the field god, 田ノ神), Nando-gami (=god in Nando-room, 納戸神) and Kamado-gami(=the hearth deity, 竈神)are venerated by house-wives and wandering (inferior) priests. The both parts are sometimes further subdivided into two contrasting categories. For example, in the front side of the house, Shintoism (god) and Buddism (ancester) occupy opposing positions in ritual. The purpose of this paper is to consider symbolic functions and structures of private house deities (especially the hearth deity) worshipped in the back rooms, and to reconstruct part of the cosmology represented in folktales, legends and ritual around the hearth and its deity. The hearth is a symbol of the "family" itself and its deity plays an important role in guarding the family and life in general. In folktales and legends, the hearth deity is closely connected with sake (=wine) and gold. Sake is a sacred drink which facilitates communication with the other world (god) : however, this word also indicates a border or boundary. Gold signifies a complete rebirth as well as a precious metal as opposed to death and things dirty. Yet, the hearth deity can transform the negative (feces) into the positive (gold). This shows that it is a mediating bridge between two states (e. g. positive/negative, rich/poor, life and death.) Consequently, the hearth god resembles to a great degree a guardian god at the village boundary acting as a mediator between this world and the other. Generally speaking, house deities in the rear of the premises have negative characteristics darkness, ugliness, dificiency and imperfections (for instance, they are deaf, blind, bald, lame, one-legged or one-eyed) . Their negative aspect symbolizes a kind of "death" (otherness) and is an indispensable condition for a new and better world which is about to dawn for "negativized being" is entitled to occupy a whole place within the system. In folktales and various rites, the transition between life and death (opposite principles) is often made in the back section of the house, where the house quardian spirits live, appearing in the form of a dwarf, a little child or small animals (a snake. a mouse, or a fox etc) . The corn spirit (usually the paddy spirit) is also worshipped in the back side of the house which is also a special area for rebirth where the two principles of life/death, fire/water coexist, and they exchange places each other. The hearth deity as a mediator, for example, is characterized by the conflicting concepts of at once the fire god and the water god, the guardian god and the rough god (荒神), life and death. In this respect, it resemble the thunder god which is mediator between the sky and the earth. The thunder god rumbles when the seasons change, and at the time of birth and death. This god, which is thought to be a one-eyed god and smith-god, marks the crossing of boundaries between two different states.

著者

西村 朝日太郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.223-259, 1979-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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While researching the aquatic cultures along the coast of the Ariake Sea, the author's attention was drawn to two cultural traits in the realm of overt fishermen's culture. One is the mud sled, widely distributed along the muddy tidal zones throughout the world. The other is the stone tidal weir, built along reef coasts with conspicuous tidal ranges. The former is a leading cultural trait which represents the muddy tidal flat culture, and the latter, the reef culture. The latter in particular is quite archaic and presumably originated in the pre-sapiens phase of human history as pointed out by J. Desmond CLARK, although this is denied by R. A. DART. This paper deals with the stone tidal weirs and their relics found along the coast of Miyako Island and the adjacent Irabu Island. In 1957 the author set out to investigate a vast range of gigantic construction on the reef flat along the coast of Karimata in Miyako Island. The range comprised a fixed fishing gear known as a stone tidal weir. Stone tidal weirs at Karimata are mamma-shaped, while others, which are widely scattered in the area, including Iriomote, Kohama, Irabu. Ishigaki etc., vary in shape. Subsequent to several field researches on stone tidal weirs (called kaki or katsi etc. by the natives) in this region, the author sent several of his assistants there in 1972 with the aim of conducting an intensive investigation of the stone tidal weirs still in existence on those islands. This report brings out the results of our joint research, particularly on Miyako and Irabu Islands. A report will be presented later concerning the stone tidal weirs on Kohama Island. Stone tidal weirs, archaic primitive fixed fishing gear, have been under considerable oceanoographical influence due to their particular characteristics in location and function. The author describes in brief the oceanographic factors which have close relationships to stone tidal weirs. Along the northeatern coast of Miyako Island there were originally sixteen stone tidal weirs (photographically illustrated : fig. 5) but most of them were destroyed by the big typhoon named Sarah in 1959 and the subsequent Chilian tsunami (tidal waves caused by an earthquake) in 1960. As mentioned above, stone tidal weirs at Karimata, like those in other areas, are of ancient origin. A considerable number of poems referring to stone tidal weirs seem to be involved in "omorososhi", the oldest anthology of Okinawa. Genhichi SHIMABUKURO has pointed out several poems related to it, however, referring to the works of S. HOKAMA and K. TORIKOSHI, there is ample room for doubt. The author believes that an ancient poem handed down from one generation to another at Karimata, which is entitled "Upuja mabikirja nu fusa" is related to the stone tidal weir. This poem is found in the book "Alethology of Miyako Island" written by S. HOKAMA and K. SHINZATO. Stone tidal weirs of Okinawa can be classified into four types as far as the catching part is concerned, as indicated in figure 13. Type A is akin to a stone weir with its fishing method differentiated in principle from a stone tidal weir. This is the type which formerly existed in Henza Island. Type B is found at Karimata, and it consists of three parts : a) a 10w stone wall (kaki-nu-ti :) as long as 780m with mutu-gaki, b) a catching part (Bu-fuga) , and c) a flat stone-block seat (bi : si) set on both sides of the catching chamber. During ebbtide, water dashes into the catching chamber at the speed of 3/5 m/s on the water surface.

著者

上水流 久彦

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

文化人類学 (ISSN:13490648)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.2, pp.190-194, 2014-09-30 (Released:2017-04-03)

被引用文献数

1

著者

立川 陽仁

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1-22, 1999

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カナダ, 太平洋沿岸部の先住民族クワクワカワクゥ(クワキウトル)の「貴族層」が経験した植民地統治期における権威の衰退は, これまでの研究においては政治・経済的要因によるものと前提されてきた。つまり, 貨幣経済の浸透によって「貴族」と「平民」の経済的格差が埋まり, あるいは新たなリーダーが誕生したために「伝統」的な貴族の権威が相対化され, かつそれらのリーダーたちによって貴族の役割が剥奪されたと想定されてきたのである。しかしながら, 実際には, これらの貴族は宗教・象徴的な次元においても権威を保持していたのである。このような宗教・象徴的権威の拠り所となるのがクワクワカワクゥ独自の世界観によって「神聖」さを与えられてきたランクであり, 貴族とはその所有者なのであった。本稿は, そのような宗教・象徴的な権威がいかにして植民地統治期に凋落していったのかを探ろうとするものである。具体的には, ポトラッチにおけるヨーロッパ物資の採用や, 天然痘などの疫病の流行がクワクワカワクゥの世界観およびランクの衰退にどのような影響を及ぼしたのかを考察し, 最後に貴族による「抵抗」の手段としてのポトラッチの変化について述べることにしたい。

著者

荒川 裕紀

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, 2015

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兵庫県西宮市の西宮神社で毎年1月10日に行われる十日戎開門神事福男選びに関する歴史的変遷と現在の課題について提示する。特に高度経済成長から現在にかけてどのような変容が祭事や社会に変容があったのかについて、昭和から平成の過渡期に関しては主催者の神社側から「福男選び」の語が付与されたが、現在に至る過程でどのように受け入れられていったのか。参加者の語りと各種資料、アンケートから明らかにする。

著者

中村 昇平

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, 2020

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本発表は、武術実践を通して醸成される集落の帰属意識が、同時に民族意識に現実味を与える実態を説明する。発祥地が明確に把握されたまま各地に伝播した武術流派がいかにして「集落独自の伝統実践」として実感され、それがいかにして民族意識とつながるのかを、技の「理解」と「改変」への態度から説明する。からだの感覚に染みつくような種類の技法の教授・学習の実践を通して帰属意識が実感され、強化される過程を明らかにする。

著者

服部 四郎 知里 真志保

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.307-342, 1960

被引用文献数

1

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In 1955 and 1956, the authors and others were able to investigate the Ainu dialects, which were on the point of dying out. Some of the informants were the last surviving speaker or speakers of the dialects, and all of them were very old people. Some of them even have died since our investigation. In this article, we present the lexicostatistic data of 19 dialects, of which 13 are those of Hokkaido and 6 are those of Sakhalin. All the field work was done in Hokkaido. Some informants spoke Ainu fluently, but others spoke imperfectly and were unable to remember several words. In §4 (Table I on p.37&acd;p.59), the Ainu words are arranged according to Swadesh's 200 item list. In §5 (cf. Table II inserted), cognate residues are marked with +; non-cognates with -; cognates and non-cognates with±(when one or both of the dialects have two forms, and the inperfectness of the record does not allow us to decide which is more basic); questionable etymology or choice with ○; doubtful record with?; no answer given with・; lacuna of record with ( ). On Table II, all + have been omitted, except for ±. In §6, problematic points in the computation of residues are discussed. In §7 (Table III and Fig.2), the percentages of the residual cognates are shown in figures and graphs. In §8, the significance of the figures on Table III (Fig.2) is discussed. It is pointed out among other things that there is a remarkable gap between Hokkaido dialects and those of Sakhalin, Soya, the northernmost of Hokkaido, being the closest to the Sakhalin dialects. A significant gap is also seen between Samani on the one hand, and Niikappu, Hiratori, and Nukkibetsu on the other, which coincides with the discrepancies in other culture and customs, etc. In §9, the data on Table I are examined from the view-point of linguistic geography. In §10, questions concerning the computation of time-depth are referred to. In §11, the items, with regard to which the Hokkaido and Sakhalin dialects diverge from each other, are compared with those with regard to which the Ryukyuan and the Japanese dialects diverge from each other. It is found that the only common item in the two lists is 47. knee. Thus, it is possible to state that Ainu and Japanese have had the tendency to change in different directions, in so far as the 200 item list is concerned. In §12, it is pointed out that Japanese loanwords in Ainu and Chinese loan-words in Japanese are very few in so far as the list is concerned. Hattori does not think it impossible that the root √<kur> of Ainu and the forms of Japanese, Korean, Tunguse, and Turkic (on p.66) are cognates from the possible parent language of all these languages. It is hoped to promote comparative study of this kind.