著者
杉山 隆一
出版者
東京大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌
東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)
巻号頁・発行日
no.177, pp.230-178, 2020-03-31

The mausoleum of Emām Rez̤ā ('Alī b. Mūsā al-Riḍā, the eighth Imam of Twelver Shiism, d. 818) was erected in Mashhad, which is located in the Khorasan region of Iran, after his death. It is well known that this mausoleum was endowed with many vaqf properties, and it gradually developed into a religious complex, as the veneration for seyyeds was enhanced in this region after Mongol rule and Shiization policies were implemented under the Safavids. Many scholars have studied the history of this mausoleum and its development, mainly through historical chronicles. Some such scholars have recently conducted studies of vaqf documents, royal edicts, and financial documents written in the siyāq script. While these efforts have produced many results that have clarified each of this mausoleum's departments and their roles, little is known about the overall picture of its organizational structure and staffing and its raison d'être as a sacred place.\n This study aims to elucidate the organization and administration of this mausoleum during the Afsharid period, primarily using a historical document entitled Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī (Scroll of 'Alī Shāh). This scroll was compiled in 1747 by order of the second ruler of the Afshar dynasty, 'Alī Shāh, to show how the mausoleum as a religious complex had been managed before the confiscation of vaqf properties by 'Alī Shāh's predecessor Nāder Shāh, as well as to present the precise situation of the mausoleum's management at the time of its compilation. It is one of the most valuable sources of information written in the pre-modern period, and includes lists of the mausoleum complex's vaqf properties, other financial sources, its administrative staff and their salaries, information about the supplies departments in charge of daily business related to the purchase and storage of food, drugs, and candles, and other parts of the complex like the kitchen, library, and hospital, as well as management regulations.\n This study, due to its length, is divided into two parts. This paper represents the first part of the study and includes the first three chapters. The first chapter reviews the previous studies and their problems and introduces the Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī and its characteristics. The second chapter considers the financial sources of the mausoleum complex, including its vaqf properties, soyūrghāl, and others, as well as the characteristics of its financial incomes. In addition, it reveals trends in the geographical distribution of vaqf properties and considers which region this mausoleum had the strongest link with to secure its sources of revenue. The third chapter examines the full picture of the administrative organization of this mausoleum by using the list of its staff, revealing that it resembled the organization of the courts of Turco-Mongolian dynasties.
著者
柳橋 博之
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.90, pp.77-93, 2020

Although several researchers have been interested in the issue of textual variation of hadith, few studies have been undertaken to determine statistically the date and the process of generation of hadith variants. This study seeks to present three initial mathematical models that approximate the processthrough which variantsof the whole hadithsrecorded in al-Bukhārī's Ṣaḥīḥ were generated, under the assumption that many of the recorded hadiths were intentionally or unintentionally (i. e., by error) reformulated once or more with almost the same probability since they first entered circulation. Namely, by counting Bn, i. e., the number of hadith groupsthat comprise n variants, we obtain a sequence (Bn). Notably, (Bn) formsapproximately a geometrical sequence with a common ratio of 0.63. Based on this finding, we can establish a recurrence formula containing two or three parameters that determines the numbersof hadithscompris ing a certain number of variantsat a certain point in time each. By setting these parameters to appropriate values, we can establish two models that closely approximate (Bn).
著者
尾崎 貴久子
出版者
三田史学会
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, no.3, pp.73(343)-101(371), 2020-05

はじめに第一章 『回回薬方』の腹部損傷の記述の引用元について第二章 腹部損傷の処置記述の翻訳比較おわりに論文
著者
長谷部 史彦
出版者
慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会
雑誌
人文科学 (ISSN:09117210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.35, pp.275-300, 2020

はじめに1. ブーラーク港のハワージャー2. ハーン・ハリーリーのハワージャー3. イブン・トゥールーン地区のハワージャー4. その他のハワージャーおわりに
著者
荒井 悠太
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.88-64, 2020-06

In this article, the author reappraises the significance of non-kin ties according to 'ilm al-'umrān al-basharī (the science of human civilization), advocated by Arab historian Ibn Khaldūn in the Muqaddima, an introduction and volume I of his historical work, the Kitāb al-'Ibar. Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory, which constitutes the substance of his science of human civilization, has been regarded as a product of his political experience in Maghrib society, giving him insights into its organization, and is considered to be "tribal" in character. However, after reading through Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative, the author has found that the phenomenon of a transition from kin to non-kin ties in dominant groups is also laid out as a critical dynastic phenomenon, bringing into doubt the conventional interpretation that the theory is no more than "tribal." Thus the author examines Ibn Khaldūn's Kitāb al-'Ibar, focusing on a kind of his notions of social ties, 'aṣabīya bil-walā' (solidarity based on clientage), in order to clarify the function of non-kin ties in his dynastic theory and historical narrative. Chapter I outlines Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative up to the Abbasid era according to his historical perspective. Chapter II examines Ibn Khaldūn's method of applying his own dynastic theory to the Mamluk sultanate, which has been considered not to conform to his "tribal" dynastic theory because its dominant group, mamluks, are intrinsically non-kin and non-tribal. In conclusion, the author argues that while Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory emphasizes the significance of kin and tribal ties as applied to historical dynasties in general, his historical narrative reflects the principles of transitions from kin and tribal to non-kin, which takes place in the character of social relationships in dominant groups.
著者
ドメネク=ベルダ カロリーナ 阿部 俊大 Carolina Doménech-Belda Toshihiro Abe
出版者
同志社大学人文学会
雑誌
人文学 (ISSN:04477340)
巻号頁・発行日
no.206, pp.110-79, 2020-11

この論考は、アル=アンダルス[中世のイスラーム=スペイン]におけるファーティマ朝(907−1171年)の貨幣の存在について、アンダルスの領域におけるこの外国貨幣の流通についての情報を見直し、アップデートしつつ、論じたものである。翻訳:阿部俊大
著者
YAMADA Shigeo
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
Orient (ISSN:04733851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, pp.87-104, 2020
被引用文献数
1

<p> This paper deals with the names given to the city walls, city gates, and palatial structures in Assyrian capital cities, Assur, Kalhu, Dur-Šarrukin, and Nineveh, in the NeoAssyrian period. These names comprised popular names, which were supposedly used daily, and ceremonial names, which were given for ceremonial-ideological purposes. The names were formulated differently in various cities and in different periods, reflecting the change of historical circumstances and contemporary political-theological ideologies. The naming of the architectural works in later Assyria represented the increasing imperialistic pride of Assyrian kings about their world dominion, claiming the prominence of the capital as the navel of the world in political, economic, and religious senses. In this way, they particularly challenged the traditional Mesopotamian cosmic order, in the center of which Babylon and its god Marduk had been placed. </p>
著者
WATANABE Kazuko
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
Orient (ISSN:04733851)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, pp.71-86, 2020

<p>The recent discovery (2009) and publication (2012) of the Tayinat version of Esarhaddon's Succession Oath Documents (ESOD, promulgated in 672 BC) have enabled us to imagine much more vividly than before how every tablet of the documents was adored as a god in the temples of each district under the Assyrian dominion. The Documents explicitly demanded that the tablets be treated as gods by all oath takers. This adoration had a precedent in Assyrian history. Apparently, under Tukultui-Ninurta I, the Assyrian king in the 13<sup>th</sup> century BC, the adoration of the 'Tablet of Destinies' was already being practiced, and the 'Tablet of Destinies' was assumed to have been sealed by the god Aššur. Three seals of the god Aššur used for the sealing the tablets of ESOD also show depictions of 'worshipping scenes' on them. The wide dissemination of these documents and their deification indicate a form of a globalized 'Tablet of Destinies' as well as a new religious and cultural policy in the Assyrian dominion.</p>