著者

薬袋 秀樹 Hideki MINAI

雑誌

三田図書館・情報学会研究大会発表論文集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, pp.49-52, 2019-11-19

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裏田武夫・小川剛編『図書館法成立史資料』(1968)は、図書館法案検討の最終段階の法案として、国会に上程された「図書館法案」とその前の「図書館法案要綱」を収録しているが、岡田温は、同書に収録されていない「図書館法案((秘)研究用)」と「図書館法情報第8号 別紙」を紹介している。本研究の目的は、後者の2点の資料がどの段階で作成され、どのような内容であったかを明らかにすることである。関係資料から法案の修正経過を明らかにし、「図書館法案」等4点の資料を比較し修正内容を明らかにした。主要な成果は次の通りである。1)修正経過:「研究用」は1月25日に国庫補助関係の規定が確定した段階の法案、「第8号 別紙」は、GSの意見を容れた2月25日の修正内容と考えられる。「図書館法案要綱」→12.27法案→1.4内閣法制局審議用原案→国庫補助関係規定の追加→「研究用」→「第8号 別紙」の修正→「図書館法案」の順である。2)修正内容:「研究用」では、認可制、司書検定等の規定が削除され、司書講習、補助金、望ましい基準等の規定が設けられた。「第8号 別紙」では、公立図書館長の司書資格、司書・司書補の配置を義務付けた規定が各々条件付きに修正された。

著者

國枝 マリ

出版者

北海道東海大学

雑誌

北海道東海大学紀要. 人文社会科学系 (ISSN:09162089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.131-147, 1988

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本論文ではニューヨーク在住の日本人ならびに韓国人子女をとりあげ, それぞれが示すアメリカ文化への同化の現象と日本・韓国文化の獲得と維持の状況を究明しようとする。まず注目すべきは, アメリカ文化浸透の度合いは, 両親の将来設計の違いによるところが大であるという点である。すなわち, 一方では, 日本人の両親は, いずれ日本に帰国することを前提として子供の将来を考える。従って, 理想は別として, 現実には日本人としての知識, 教養, 受験競争力を身につけてほしいと考える。他方, 韓国人の両親は自分たちがアメリカ永住を考えているため, 道具としてのアメリカ文化, 言語能力は歓迎するが, 心だけは韓国人としての誇りを忘れない人間に成長してほしいと願っている。これを反映して, 日本人の中でも, 特に全日制の日本人学校に学ぶ子供はその生活のほとんどが事実上日本のそれと大差なく, アメリカ文化の影響は非常に限られている。一方, 週日は現地の学校でアメリカ人と共に学び, 週末のみ日本の補習授業校に通う子供は, アメリカ滞在が長期化するにつれ, アメリカの文化を身につけ, 同時に日本文化の維持が困難となる。その境界は滞米4〜5年と見られる。ところが, 韓国人子女の場合は, ほとんどがアメリカ文化の影響を強く受けている。しかし, 親の強い希望もあり, 韓国人としての自覚は, 家庭と韓国人学校とで人為的に子供たちの心に植え付けられつつある。

著者

藪田 哲郎 松本 俊明 根岸 幸康

出版者

The Institute of Electrical Engineers of Japan

雑誌

電気学会論文誌. B (ISSN:03854213)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.137-144, 1980-03-20 (Released:2008-12-19)

参考文献数

5

著者

高崎 章裕

出版者

公益社団法人 日本地理学会

雑誌

日本地理学会発表要旨集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, pp.2, 2008

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<BR> 近年,環境への関心が高まり,河川の清掃活動や植林活動などがNPO団体や市民ボランティアによって,全国各地で行われている.地域を越えた住民や市民団体のネットワークの形成は,環境問題を考える上で重要な役割を果たすものと考えられる.<BR> そこで本研究では,熊本県球磨川流域において環境保全を行っている「球磨川水系ネットワーク」の活動,中でも「球磨川源流水リレー」を取り上げ,人々がどのように流域圏のネットワークを築き発展させてきたのか,そしてそのネットワークを通して,地域や球磨川に対する参加者の意識がどのように変化してきたのかについて明らかにすることを目的とする.<BR> 熊本県球磨川流域には17の自治体が含まれ,流域内人口は約14万,流域面積は1,880km<SUP>2</SUP>におよぶ.当該地域にはいまだに決着が付いていない川辺川ダムの建設問題が残されており,球磨川流域の住民は古くから環境問題と向き合ってきた.そして1996年,球磨川の変化に気づいた住民たちが「球磨川水系ネットワーク」を立ち上げた.現在は39団体で組織され,流域内の植林活動,一斉清掃,水質調査などを実施し、また共同イベントとして「球磨川源流水リレー」を毎年開催している.<BR> 「球磨川源流水リレー」とは,竹筒に汲んだ球磨川,川辺川の源流水を人の手だけでつなぎ,約170kmの距離を隔てた八代海まで運ぶイベントである.イベントが始まった1996年の参加者は約50名に過ぎなかったが,ビラ配りなどの地道な宣伝を通して学校や地域に情報を発信し続けてきたことで認知度が高まり,現在では約700名もの流域住民が参加するイベントへと成長した.参加者層は,地域住民や地元の小中高校生をはじめ,カヌー・ラフティングクラブ,漁協組合,そして自治体職員まで非常に幅広い.<BR> そして「球磨川源流水リレー」は,2005年から,不知火海に注ぐ約20河川の源流水を運ぶ「環・不知火海源流水リレー」へと規模が拡大された.「源流水をリレーする」という行為は,人と人,地域と地域を繋ぐ象徴的行為である.参加者たちは,実際に球磨川に接することで現状に気づき,球磨川からの恩恵や自然への感謝の気持ちが芽生え始める.そして、彼らの中には"My River"という考え方を持つものさえ出てきた.「球磨川源流水リレー」の参加者たちは,活動を通して球磨川という特定の自然に対する意識が変化したと捉えることができる.<BR> 本発表では,自然の意味,すなわち場所の意味が,どのように変化し,形成されていったのかについても報告をしたい.

著者

水上滝太郎 著

出版者

春陽堂

巻号頁・発行日

1933

著者

島 弘則 前田 直美

出版者

公益社団法人 日本化学会

雑誌

化学と教育 (ISSN:03862151)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.5, pp.282-283, 2005-05-20 (Released:2017-07-11)

参考文献数

6

著者

平林 豊樹 HIRABAYASHI Toyoki

雑誌

岐阜聖徳学園大学紀要. 教育学部編 = The annals of Gifu Shotoku Gakuen University. Faculty of Education (ISSN:13460889)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.1-18, 2010-02-28

出版者

国土社

著者

内田 千代子

出版者

日本精神神経学会

雑誌

精神神經學雜誌 = Psychiatria et neurologia Japonica (ISSN:00332658)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.6, pp.543-560, 2010-06-25

参考文献数

45

著者

猪瀬 千尋

出版者

名古屋大学大学院文学研究科教育研究推進室

雑誌

メタプティヒアカ : 名古屋大学大学院文学研究科教育研究推進室年報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.116-119, 2010-02-28

著者

新井 康平 廣瀬 喜貴 牧野 功樹

出版者

日本会計研究学会

雑誌

会計プログレス = Accounting progress (ISSN:21896321)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.33-47, 2018

著者

落合 哉人 Kanato OCHIAI

出版者

筑波大学大学院博士課程人文社会系日本語学研究室

雑誌

筑波日本語研究 = Tsukuba Japanese linguistics (ISSN:13424793)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.75-104, 2017

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本稿では、これまで中心的に検討がなされてこなかった文字で書かれる「フィラー」について、LINEと実際の会話、ブログ、実況動画の4つのデータを取り上げて調査及び分析を行った。その結果、電子媒体(LINE、ブログ)における「フィラー」の出現位置として、文頭・発話頭に偏る傾向があることや、一方で「フィラー」の担う役割・機能に着目した場合、LINEでは「対人関係に関わる機能」に、ブログでは「テクスト構成に関わる機能」に、それぞれ特化することが明らかになった。また、個別の語に対する考察として電子媒体で出現数が最も多い「まあ」を取り上げ、この語の頻出の背景に役割・機能の側面で汎用的であることや、話題をまとめ、それ以上展開させない性質を持つことがあることを論じた。本稿の検討からは、文字で書かれる「フィラー」も一様ではなく、出現環境と語の性質の双方について広く分析を行う必要があることが示唆される。

著者

Marco Karl Wittmann

雑誌

第43回日本神経科学大会

巻号頁・発行日

2020-06-15

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Navigating dynamic environments often requires humans and other animals to consider information beyond currently experienced choice values. I present two functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiments, one in humans and one in macaque monkeys, that demonstrate the impact of global reward signals on explorative behaviour and neural activity. First, I show that representations of reward rates exist simultaneously at multiple time scales in a human brain network including dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC) and the agranular insula (Ia). Such signals can be used to compute the change in reward rate in the environment and to construct estimates of future values that are different from the values experienced in the past. Their relative strengths govern how we decide to persist in our environment or switch to an alternative course of action; this can lead animals to keep exploring poor environments despite low reward rates in anticipation of future reward. In a second project we scanned macaque monkeys during a 3-armed bandit task. By carefully controlling for the effects of choice-contingent reward and choice repetition, we revealed that their choice strategy was again distinctly influenced by the global reward state. Remarkably, the global reward state affects the way that each choice outcome is valued and influences future decisions so that the impact of both choice success and failure is different in rich and poor environments. Successful choices are more likely to be repeated but this is especially the case in rich environments. Unsuccessful choices are more likely to be abandoned but this is especially likely in poor environments. In other words, a low global reward state incentivized the animals to increasingly explore alternative options even if their current choice was successful. Just as in the first study in humans, we found that dACC and Ia, but in addition the dorsal raphe nucleus, track global reward state as well as specific outcome events.

著者

Vincent D Costa Ramon Bartolo Hua Tang Bruno B Averbeck

雑誌

第43回日本神経科学大会

巻号頁・発行日

2020-06-15

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All organisms, from slime molds to humans, have to decide whether to forego immediate rewards, like food, in order to explore an unknown option and learn if it is better than something already experienced. This trade-off is referred to as the explore-exploit dilemma. To balance exploration and exploitation biological agents need to know when exploration is advantageous. An efficient strategy for managing explore-exploit tradeoffs is to predict the immediate and future outcomes of each available choice option. Predicting whether choices will be immediately rewarded or unrewarded is easily computed based on past experience. Predicting how often choices are rewarded or unrewarded in the future is a much more difficult computation, as it relies on prospection. Yet these predictions can be integrated to decide when exploration is advantageous. Given theoretical and lay beliefs that balancing exploration and exploitation is difficult, prior studies have focused on identifying cortical mechanisms of exploratory decision making, ignoring how subcortical motivational circuits aid in managing explore-exploit tradeoffs. Here, we leverage theoretical advances in the use of partially observable Markov decision process models to understand how reward uncertainty motivates exploration, in order to characterize neural activity in the amygdala, ventral striatum, orbitofrontal cortex, and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex of macaque monkeys as they solve a multi-arm bandit task designed to query specific aspects of novelty seeking and explore-exploit decision making. Our findings challenge the widely held corticocentric view of how the brain solves the explore-explore dilemma, by emphasizing similarities in how subcortical and cortical regions encode value computations critical for deciding when exploration is warranted.

著者

Alicia Izquierdo Alexandra Stolyarova Mohsen Rakhshan Megan AK Peters Hakwan Lau Alireza Soltani

雑誌

第43回日本神経科学大会

巻号頁・発行日

2020-06-15

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Studies in humans have revealed neural correlates of confidence in several regions, including in prefrontal cortex. However, it is still unclear which regions are causally involved in this process. I will present recent work where we trained rats to discriminate between ambiguous visual cues via spatial choices based on a learned stimulus-response rule. Following action selection using a touchscreen, rats expressed their confidence by time-wagering: they could wait for a variable amount of time before they could receive a possible reward or initiate a new trial. This design allowed us to measure confidence trial-by-trial. We found that waiting times increased with discrimination accuracy and were negatively correlated with response times, demonstrating that this measure could be used as a proxy for confidence. Following chemogenetic silencing of anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), waiting times became less diagnostic of perceptual uncertainty. We also computed metacognitive efficiency (meta-d'/d') that assesses how well waiting time tracked discrimination performance (d') across trials (Maniscalco & Lau, 2012), and found that this measure was significantly reduced following ACC inhibition. These results will be discussed in the context of our recent work in the orbitofrontal cortex and how animals may similarly show metacognition in more traditional reinforcement learning paradigms.

著者

REI AKAISHI

雑誌

第43回日本神経科学大会

巻号頁・発行日

2020-06-15

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In contrast to the narrow and local computations in artificial systems, computations in the human and animal brains proceed in both local and global scales in time and space to try to achieve a hierarchy of short-term and long-term goals across both local and global environments. One clue of the unique nature of the local computations in human and animal brains comes from their anomalies: the observed phenomena include history-dependent inertia in decision making and biases in credit assignment in learning. These biases can make the computations in the local environment more efficient by reducing computational costs with successive repetitions of the same behavioral patterns. However, these biases can increasingly narrow down the scope of computations to the local situations, which can be detrimental for their survival. To counteract this tendency for the local adaptation, the brain seems to be equipped with the ability to model and implement long-term and large-scale predictive decisions. This topic has been recently examined especially in the experimental paradigms of foraging decisions that mimic the situations of foraging behaviors of animals in the wild. The animal foraging paradigm, where an agent alternates between global diffusive searches and fine-grained local searches, is actually a broadly relevant model for a wide range of human foraging-like behaviors including memory search, information seeking, problem solving and social learning. By integrating these findings with relevant literature, we would like to suggest that biological intelligent systems operate through a hybrid multiscale architecture of local and global computations.

著者

大澤 博隆 宮本 道人 長谷 敏司 西條 玲奈 福地 健太郎 三宅 陽一郎

出版者

人工知能学会

雑誌

2020年度 人工知能学会全国大会(第34回)

巻号頁・発行日

2020-04-01

著者

齋藤 厚

出版者

北海道大学スラブ研究センター

雑誌

スラヴ研究 (ISSN:05626579)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.113-137, 2001

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During the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994, Muslims there decided to give a new name to the language which they spoke. This decision was taken together with the change of their ethnic name. "Bosnian" (Bosanski) replaced Serbo-Croatian as the official name of their language, while "Bosniacs" (Bošnjaci) was adopted as their new national name. Bosniacs continued to use the linguistic elements of Serbo-Croatian even after its nominal change. At that time, it was uncertain whether they would seek to create purely Bosnian linguistic elements. The first orthographical textbook of Bosnian was published in the autumn of 1996. Some minor changes were added to the linguistic elements of Serbo-Croatian in this textbook. Despite its publication, some questions about Bosnian remain unclear. One is whether Bosnian is to be considered a distinct language or it is no more than a new name of Serbo-Croatian. Another is why the new language name does not correspond to the new national name. In this paper I have tried to answer these questions by examining the linguistic, historical, and political background of Bosnian. The paper also reconsiders the role of language in ethnic identity because the case of Bosnian is a rare one: a nation based on religion has tried to create its own language later. The first chapter indicates the linguistic features of Serbo-Croatian in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which is the base of Bosnian. Serbo-Croatian was established as the common language of the region's Serbs, Croats, Muslims, and Montenegrins in the late 19th century. It is a single, standard language with two major variants (the western or Croatian and eastern or Serbian variants) and two varieties (that spoken in Bosnia-Herzegovina and that in Montenegro). Standard Serbo-Croatian is based on the dialect spoken extensively in eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina and western Serbia. The variants contain many words exclusive to themselves, while the varieties blend elements of both variants. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbs, Croats, and Muslims speak the same Bosnian language variety. It is almost impossible to distinguish a Serb from a Croat from a Muslim by their speech alone, because the ethnic distribution was very mixed and their dialects vary geographically, not ethnically. In the Bosnian language variety it is acceptable/common to use and mix elements of both variants. The second chapter reviews the recent history of arguments and policies about Bosnian language. Despite the above language situation, certain Muslim linguists argued that Bosnian should be recognized as a distinct language in the 1970's. The authorities in the late 19th century, too, once attempted to create a Bosnian language. Bosnian was chosen for the name of the official language in Bosnia-Herzegovina soon after the start of the Habsburgs' rule there. Benjamin Kallay, who served as governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1882 to 1903, believed the necessity of a separate Bosnian national identity among the population and therefore decided to create a Bosniac people and a Bosnian language. At that time, Serbs called their mother tongue Serbian and used a Cyrillic-phonetic alphabet, Croats called it Croatian and used a Latin-etymological alphabet, and Muslims called it Bosnian or Serbian or Croatian and used an Arabic or a Cyrillic-phonetic alphabet. In order to standardize their common spoken language as Bosnian, Kallay and his government decided to adopt a Latin-phonetic alphabet and established the Committee for the Bosnian Language. The work of this committee resulted in the publication of a Grammar of Bosnian Language for High Schools in 1890. Though this textbook was widely used, many problems related to the name of the language arose. Serbs and Croats were strongly against the name Bosnian, and they refused to call their language as such not only in high schools but also in public life. Some Muslim intellectuals positively accepted this name, but most of the Muslim population were not like them. Thus, Kallay's attempt proved unsuccessful in its early stage, and no more important measures were taken after that. In 1907, 4 years since Kallay's death, the official language in Bosnia-Herzegovina was renamed from Bosnian to Serbo-Croatian. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia founded in 1918 did not recognize neither nationality nor particularity of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In spite of such situation, they never relied on the former unsuccessful names of "Bosniacs" and "Bosnian". They continued to keep a distance from these names after World War II in Socialist Yugoslavia for decades. The name "Bosnian language" was revived in the early 1970's, this being catalyzed by the proclamation of a Muslim nationality and by various national movements in other federal units. At this time, Bosnian was perceived particulary as the language of Muslims. Though some Muslim linguists insisted that it needed to put back the voiced h wherever it was suspected one might have existed, they could not present any good examples. Others even admitted that it would be difficult for Bosnian to have its own elements. They did not insist on the use of the name Bosniac nation along with Bosnian, because they regarded it as a negation of the Muslim national conciousness. The third chapter surveys the change of national and linguistic identity of Muslims in the process of disintegration in ex-Yugoslavia, and examines how Bosnian has been created and used. Influenced by the increasingly fluid politics in the late 1980's, the national and linguistic identitiey of Muslims started to be shaken. Many questions related to their nationality and language were raised, especially after the collapse of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the beginning of 1990. Muslims themseives once decided to keep the existing names of "Muslim nation" and "Serbo-Croatian language" after several controversies. But the outbreak of war in Bosnia-Herzegovina brought about another situation. During the war in 1993, two events occured which later made Muslims change their national and language names. One was the start of the conflict with Croats, their former ally against Serbs. This new coflict made Muslims seek a language name other than Serbo-Croatian. The other was the publication of a paper named "The Clash of Civilizations?" by Huntington. It strengthened the anti-Islam tendency among Westerners, and their strong bias forced Muslims to seek another national name. In the next year, Muslims dared to adopt the new names of Bosniacs and Bosnian, which they had long avoided using. These names were adopted without any strong opposition despite their negative past and implications. Some pretexts were formed for the use of these names by Muslim intellectuals. They explained that the Bosniac national name, which implied a supranational concept, could be used by Muslims exclusively because Serbs and Croats would not identify themselves as such any more. They also insisted that the language had to be Bosnian, not Bosniac, because it would be regarded as a mother tongue not only by Bosniacs but also by members of other nations in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Until the publication of its first orthographical textbook in 1996, Bosnian was de facto a new name added to Serbo-Croatian. But it became clear that Muslims, now Bosniacs, wanted Bosnian to be exclusively their language in this textbook. New elements were invented in it, through changing some orthographic rules, or putting back the voiced h wherever it was suspected one might have existed in the distant past. Though Bosnian was created in such way, its new elements are not always used. Interventions in the language were too late and subtle. In addition, the authorities have not formed a concrete language policy, and the Bosniac population is not eager to use them. Considering these conditions, it is impossible to regard Bosnian as a distinct language. It is also hard to foresee that Bosnian will become more distinct in the near future, because there are no signs of change in these conditions for the time being. It was not easy for Bosnian to be created from the beginning. Since standard Serbo-Croatian is based on the dialect in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bosnian could not pick up enough peculiar elements from this dialect. Furthermore, Bosnian had great difficulty in finding elements exclusive to Muslims/Bosniacs in this dialect which is shared by the three nations.

著者

崎山 理

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.274-292, 1969-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

山影 進

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.3-21, 1980-06

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。