著者
田束 優 奥崎 智道 藤澤 彰
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.768, pp.405-412, 2020-02

<p> This subject discussed reconstruction of the main shrine of "KATORI-Shrine" in Hananoi Kashiwa-city Chiba. The purpose of this subject is explaing about the professional ability of the master carpenter ''MASATOSHI MIMURA'' and the carver ''TSUNEHACHI ISHIHARA'' in construction of shrine and temple architecture used many decorations of building.</p><p> The main shrine of "KATORI-Shrine" was reconstructed in the fifth year of KAEI. It was needed a vast sum of money for the reconstruction and accomplished it forty year later including the years for fund-raising.</p><p> "MASATOSHI MIMURA" took the master carpenter and "TSUNEHACHI ISHIHARA" took the master carver, they participated in the construction with their clan. They decided the extent of contract work and worked in cooperation with each other. "MASATOSHI MIMURA" contracted to construct until the foundation of roof and the ground pattern of carving. "TSUNEHACHI ISHIHARA" contracted to carve lumber and make the carving for decorate wall board.</p>
著者
中西 大輔
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.777, pp.2419-2425, 2020-11

<p> The aim of this paper is to follow the tile craftsmen's relocation in Kyoto by researching documents in order to acquire historical data, track the technological lineage and reveal the contemporary social circumstances. This paper concentrates on a tile craftsman 'Fukuda Kaga' describing what his relocation in 1739 meant for the provision of roof tiles in Kyoto.</p><p> Several generations called Fukuda Kaga worked in the Daibutsu district, which was known as a major production area of roof tiles for temples and shrines. The term 'the tile craftsman in the Daibutsu district' can be found on many roof tiles and ridge tags.</p><p> It is known that the Fukuda Kaga were active from 1590 to 1735. They worked in Myoshinji-temple, Kyoougokoku1i-temple, Daitokuji-temple, and Kiyomizudera-temple. After 1735, their activities decreased significantly, and their course is unknown except for the last work in 1775.</p><p> Investigating <i>Hinamiki</i>, the diaries kept at Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine, I found records about his working activities m the Hiiragibara district in 1739. Being part of the Kamigamo district, t he Hiiragibara district was under the control of Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. Therefore, Fukuda Kaga had to apply to the shrine for his work, and the shrine recorded his application in <i>Hinamiki</i>.</p><p> The following three points were revealed as a conclusion by deciphering:</p><p> 1. Fukuda Kaga moved to the Hiiragibara district in 1739, after he surveyed the geology of the area and selected a site for his workshop in 1738. Mentioning of Fukuda Kaga's name could be found before 1731 at Myoshinji-temple, and before 1735 at Daitokuji-temple. At Myoshinji-temple, a new tile craftsman applied to the temple for permission to open business in 1739, which was the same year Fukuda Kaga applied to Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. At Daitokuji-temple, the name of a different new tile craftsman from another district could be found in 1780.</p><p> 2. A merchant named Yorozuya Kan'uemon at the Daitokuji-temple town mediated between Fukuda Kaga and Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. At first, Yorozuya Kan'uemon applied for permission to open a tile shop to the shrine. After the permission was granted, Fukuda Kaga became the applicant, and Yorozuya Kan'uemon stood as a guarantor for Fukuda Kaga. It has to be noted that the application forms were prepared by Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine.</p><p> 3. The relocation of Fukuda Kaga was due to an agreement between himself and Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine. The main motivation for Fukuda Kaga to work in the Hiiragibara district was the great demand for a tile craftsman in the area, and the little competition. Contrary to this, the Daibutsu district was abundant in tile craftsmen in the same period consuming a great amount of the local clay. Furthermore, Kamowakeikazuchi Shrine needed him in order to overcome financial difficulties, because at the time, the shrine was indebted, and some of the priests were too poor to fix their own houses. They expected the tax revenues from Fukuda Kaga to solve these problems, and also to stabilize the lives of local farmers by giving them work.</p><p> In conclusion, Fukuda Kaga didn't close his workshop by An'ei era. Fukuda Kaga moved to the Hiiragibara district legally and based on his own intentions. After his relocation, new tile craftsmen started to work at the temples, where Fukuda Kaga had worked before. His move indicated the end of an epoch in the provision of roof tiles for temples and shrines in Kyoto.</p>
著者
伊藤 裕久 濱 定史 小見山 慧子 山崎 美樹
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.774, pp.1829-1839, 2020-08

<p> This paper seeks to clarify the transition of the townscape and the dwelling pattern of Shake-machi (Shinto priest town) of the Kasuga Taisha Shinto Shrine in the pre-modern times through the analyses of the Toma family's house which was built in the late 18th century and the existent archival materials from Toma family archives. We especially examined the formative process of the dwelling pattern of Negi (the lower-class Shinto priest) in Shake-machi during the Edo era, while paying attention to the difference before and after the Great Fire of Takabatake in 1717. The contents are as follows.</p><p> Introduction.</p><p> 1. Spatial composition and the dwelling pattern of Shake-machi at the beginning of the Meiji era.</p><p> The organization of the Kasuga Taisha Shinto shrine was constructed by the two hierarchies of the Shinto priest called Shake (the upper-class) and Negi(the lower-class). They lived in the north and south settlements separately. The north (Noda) declined, and the south (Takabatake) developed in the Edo era and 21 Shake and 93 Negi families lived in Takabatake in 1872. The houses of Negi were aligned along both sides of the main street there. Their dwelling lots of Tanzakugata-jiwari (Strip shaped land allotment) were divided into three types of the frontage dimensions (Narrow3ken/Middle5ken /Wide7-10ken). Middle and wide types accounted for most of their dwelling lots.</p><p> 2. Changing process of Shake-machi in the pre-modern times and its dwelling pattern.</p><p> In 1698, 30 Shake and 205 Negi families (double in 1872) lived in Takabatake and more over there were many Negi families which did not own their dwellings but were the tenants. Negi families did not only conduct exclusively religious services but also worked as actors, craftsmen and merchants like common people of the city. Therefore, the dwelling pattern of Negi was similar to Machiya (traditional town house of common people) style. Half of the Shake-machi was burned down in the Great Fire of Takabatake in 1717. Small Negi families without possessions or wealth were overwhelmed, and it was estimated that the new dwelling lots of a large frontage size increased by integrating their narrow dwelling lots after the Great Fire in 1717 and the new townscape with the dignity as Shake-machi was reconstructed by the sequence of the large frontage of mud walls and front gates along the street.</p><p> 3. Architectural characteristics of the house of Toma Family who was the Negi and its reconstructive study.</p><p> Toma family's house is surrounded by Tsuijibei (mud wall with a roof) with Yakui-mon Gate on its north side, and the main building has the large gable roof and Shikidai (the formal entrance). These features show the high formality of an influential Negi family. According to the reconstructive study, it was revealed that Toma family's house had been built in the late 18th century and the 2rows×3rooms plan with the earthen floor passage was originally the1row×3rooms plan connecting the lower ridge style Zashiki (2rooms). It resembles to the old Machiya of Nara-machi in the late 18th century. In this way, it is worthy of notice that Negi family's house had been developed from Machiya style by the reduction of small Negi families and the integration of their dwelling lots after the Great Fire of Takabatake in 1717.</p><p> Conclusion.</p>
著者
丸山 奈巳
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.772, pp.1275-1285, 2020-06

<p> The Sarugaku, similar to the Noh performance, was popular among the ordinary people. As a result of personal love of the Third Shogun Yoshimitsu Ashikaga, gained the position of the entertainment to the nobility. From the age of six Shogun Yoshinori Ashikaga, the Noh stage was become to build temporarily in the Government Office and the Daimyo's mansions to entertain the important guests for the political uses. At last the Noh stage was permanently established as one of the architectural elements constituting the Edo Castle Honmaru Great Hall where the most important ritual of the Edo shogunate would be held. This paper is trying to elucidate the reason why the Noh stage was built in the ceremonial space of the government agency and the circumstances leading up to its formation. This paper sturdy about the 6th Shogun Yoshinori Ashikaga period.</p><p> Yoshinori Ashikaga was chosen as the 6th Muromachi Shogun when he was 36 years old who loved the Kanze's Sarugaku. Immediately Yoshinori moved to Sanjobomon-dono, built a Noh stage in the southern courtyard in front of the Shinden. He held Sarugaku performances intended to make opportunities to gather political dignities, and to confirm the feudal relationships with the guests. Yoshinori not only loved Sarugaku, used the event of Sarugaku politically. And he used the Noh for one of the public events of Shogunate with Kanze as the Sarugaku-Tayu. In 1431, Yoshinori moved to Muromachi-dono, and until 1441 he held the Sarugaku for various reasons as follows.</p><p> New Year's comfort for Mrs. as Annual events of the shogunate</p><p> Entertainment for a special guest of the Shogunate</p><p> An event to make opportunities to gather political dignities</p><p> Comfort to vassal</p><p> Kanjin-Sarugaku</p><p> A victory celebration</p><p> Entertainment for Shogun in the Residences of Daimyo.</p><p> Entertainment for Shogun by the temples</p><p> Entertainment in the Ex-Emperor palace.</p><p> For these needs, Kanze had been employed to perform for such events. And the government had become to held the Sarugaku for official use.</p><p> The Noh stage had get place in the courtyard of Government agency, Imperial Palace, The Temples and the Residences of Daimyo. And the architectural style of Noh stage had been formed and the manners to enforce the events gradually. But the style of Noh stage was still temporary construction.</p>
著者
若山 滋 張 奕文 渡辺 孝一
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.476, pp.101-109, 1995-10-30 (Released:2017-01-27)
参考文献数
30
被引用文献数
4 1

In the present paper, we studied the architectural space in the literary works of Souseki NATSUME who is expected as a representative writer of modern Japan. All wordings related to the urban and architecture were extracted from 12 of his works and the space of stage was specifically analyzed. We found that extremely various architectural wordings were appeared in his works, which indicates sort of "compound aspects" of cultural situation in Japan in that time. According to the distinction in the change of stage-space in his works written in different time, his works could be classified into four patterns. In his earlier works (until "Sanshirou", 1908) the change of stage-space was "active" and "extensive", whereas in his latter works (since "Sorekara", 1909) it was "uneasy" and "circulated".
著者
下川 紘子 斎尾 直子
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.84, no.760, pp.1361-1370, 2019 (Released:2019-06-30)
参考文献数
16
被引用文献数
2 3

As the number of younger generation is decreasing, the number of the closed public high schools is increasing in Japan. In fact, Kanagawa prefecture has closed twenty-four prefectural high schools since 2000. Therefore, knowledge about how to use closed high schools is increasingly important. As a step to gain the knowledge, this paper clarify both of (1) state of utilization of closed high schools by a prefecture rather than municipalities and (2) specific issues of utilizing closed high schools unlike to elementary or junior high school due to facilities and catching area of schools.  The targets of this research are twenty-four closed high schools in Kanagawa prefecture. Kanagawa was chosen as a subject because the prefecture is a forefront prefecture of using closed prefectural high schools. This paper analyzed use of closed high schools by the following three steps. First, the authors collected both transitions of policy regarding prefectural high schools and the number of closed public schools within the prefecture by bibliographic research and inquiries to municipalities. Second, the authors investigated use of twenty-four closed prefectural high schools and their surrounding communities by research in literatures which are school’s summary booklets of the prefectural archives, Density Inhabited District (DID) data by the Geospatial Information Authority of Japan, web site of local newspapers, and the proceedings of prefectural and municipalities’ assemblies. Finally, the authors interviewed with Kanagawa prefectural educational board and eight presidents of surrounding residents' associations to consider their opinions about the utilization of closed high schools.  The analysis revealed following main results.(1) The integration of public high schools is determined by the prefecture with consideration to broader perspective on the prefecture. Therefore, local municipalities do not have opportunities to discuss with the prefecture about integration of high schools although they are most influenced by the school integration. The authors propose that it is important for local municipalities to participate the discussion.(2) There are differences between high schools and both elementary and junior high schools, which are sizes of schools and local residents’ attachments toward schools. Local communities do not have particular attachment to closed high schools regardless distance from central urban area. However, as land prices are different depending on the locations, schools in rural area have fewer potentials to be used by private sectors. It leads to create an issue that closed high schools tends to be kept to be unused in rural areas. In the case that private sectors use the land, there are three ways of securing publicness of the lands; splitting lands into private and public sectors, making private sectors to develop public facilities and lending lands to private sectors. It is appreciated by local residents that enabling access for local communities to parts of new facilities developed by private sectors. Based on the results, the authors consider that it is important that prefecture keep publicness of closed prefectural high schools in using it.
著者
吉野 博 長友 宗重 石川 善美 松本 真一 内海 修明 長谷川 兼一
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.471, pp.19-28, 1995-05-30 (Released:2017-01-27)
参考文献数
19
被引用文献数
8 8

A Super-insulated house was constructed near Sendai City in accordance with the Canadian R-2000 manyual. Shelter performance, thermal environment, air quality and energy consumption of this house were investigated for two and a half years. This super-insulated house was very airtight compared with the other houses. The two-and-a-half-year measurement of room temperature and humidity showed that the daily mean temperature for the dining-living room and the master bedroom were 16℃〜20℃ during the winter and 22℃〜32℃ during the summer. Humidity ratio for these rooms was less than 5g/kg during the winter. The indoor environment of this super-insulated house during the heating season was more thermally comfortable, compared with that of ordinary houses in Japan. During the summer, the indoor temperature in this house was stable during the day and did not decrease at night time even if the outdoor air temperature dropped. The CO_2 concentration in this house was lower than that of the other airtight houses due to continuous mechanical ventilation. The space hiating energy consumption for this suoer-insulated house was less than that of ordinary houses in Tohoku District in which only the living-dining room was heated.
著者
楠川 充敏 鈴木 賢一 中井 孝幸
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.776, pp.2107-2117, 2020 (Released:2020-10-30)
参考文献数
9

1. Objectives In Japanese universities, the realization of a new type of group learning environment, based on the use of analogic and digital media, has been promoted: Learning Commons (hereinafter, "LC"). Recently, examples of LC built separately from university library have increased. In the previous report, we conducted surveys in libraries where the reading area and the LCs are integrated, aiming to clarify the seat choice behavior of individual and group users. However, it was still to define if all the users actually choose only one of those two types, or if some of them rather choose both types. For this reason, we tried to clarify the differentiated use behavior of reading areaff and LCs, aiming to acquire a useful knowledge for future learning space planning. 2. Research method We conducted a questionnaire survey and a behavior observation survey regarding the use status (addressed to users), and a questionnaire survey regarding the facility conditions (addressed to library staff). The surveys were conducted in four Japanese universities: Sugiyama Jogakuen University, Ritsumeikan University, Chubu University, and Kyoto Sangyo University, which have different LC installation types. All of those institutions have more than 6,000 students and multiple departments. The different LC installation types have been identified as “integrated open type” (Sugiyama Jogakuen Univ.), “integrated separate type” (Ritsumeikan Univ.), “distributed combined type” (Chubu Univ.), “distributed independent type” (Kyoto Sangyo Univ.). 3. Results We noted that, as for the actual conditions, LC facilities have been built outside the library building in those universities where the number of students is larger. Our hypothesis was that most of the single users tend to chose reading areas, and that most of the group users tend to chose LC; however, the results showed that around the 50% of the plural places users tend to choose both facilities, regardless of single or group use. The analysis of this portion of users’ behavior made clear that, between the reasons of their place choice, there are the possibility of using learning tools as PCs and copy machines, and the factor of nearness (LC facilities situated near the faculty building were largely used). In the “distributed type”, a large number of users chose both reading areas and LC because of the quiet environment. From this, it can be thought that by separating LC from the library building, it becomes possible to create various acoustic environments inside the vast surface obtained. Also in the “integrated open type”, where there are no partitions between reading areas and LC, and where, within the same floor, there is a differentiation of quiet and lively spaces, many users’ purpose was “to find a quiet environment”. This behavior could only mean that the concept of “quietness” is not only linked to the absence of sound. 4. Conclusions From those considerations, it seems necessary to provide a differentiation in the sound environment of the learning spaces. Even by planning spaces where there is a sort of “noisy” acoustic condition, it becomes possible to increase the place choice factors of the users.
著者
奥冨 利幸
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, no.637, pp.675-680, 2009-03-30 (Released:2009-11-24)

In Meiji period, the placement relations of auditorium and Noh stage, was changing from contraposition style to surrounding style. But when the end of Meiji era, the Noh theater space was beginning changed to new style. That is the traditional Noh stage located at indoor of theater and still being an individual building. I called it as Ireko style. This paper picked up two cases, one is Kongo Noh Theater, another is the theater of Hosho Noh Society. Though these two case study, I clarify the construction process of new style. In addition, I inspected the outbreak of Ireko style Noh theater how related with the Noh improvement movement for the same period.
著者
平井 直樹 石田 潤一郎 池上 重康
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, no.689, pp.1621-1630, 2013

This paper examines the writings of Riemon UNO and his association, Kogyokyoikukai, focusing on workers' housing especially dormitories. It can be read how the third party grasped the matters relating to workers' dormitories. They introduced the "model" dormitories from the point of view of the sound development of industries in Japan. On the assumption that the primordial matters behind of the dormitory system cannot immediately be solved, "model" dormitories were as cases that should be referred to for a problem how improve them while making use of an advantage in protection and the management of the workers.
著者
陳 湘琴 池田 孝之
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.550, pp.209-215, 2001-12-30 (Released:2017-02-04)
参考文献数
28
被引用文献数
1 2

This paper analyzes the characteristic and the development process of Tai-Zhong City Planning underJapanese rule, especially focusing on three issues: (1)the contents of the city planning according to its periods ; (2)The characteristics of urban infrastructure project ; (3)the formation of urban structure. The results are as follows: (1) The urban development of Tai-Zhong City planning under Japanese rule is divided into 4 periods: the investigation and the planning; the establishment of the urban block and the urban axis; the beginning of the zoning; the application of the city planning system. (2) The characteristics of the layout and the pattern of the main infrastructure; urban blocks, roads, rivers and parks. (3) The Tai-Zhong-Castle area was vastly improved by the urban chessboard-pattern, the railway axis and the loop road axis and the change of the river basin. All this had an influence on the urban structure in Tai-Zhong city.
著者
窪田 亜矢
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.781, pp.1001-1011, 2021-03
被引用文献数
1

<p> From the time of birth, the concept of '"the park" in the city' has ever served as a tool for accepting the contradictions between legal systems and reality. Thus, such parks have continually undergone transformations. Because parks are owned and managed by the public sector, they are expected to be permanent, non-construction sites; however, the reality is different. Miyashita Park in downtown Shibuya in Tokyo Prefecture, Japan, was built on a scattered piece of land, and it has witnessed rapid changes. The periods of change of this park can be divided into five categories: (1) The Meiji era, when the feudal system changed to modern times, and the concept of parks was born; (2) 1953, when the park was first completed; (3) around 1964, the time of Tokyo Olympics, when a parking building was built on the ground, and the park was moved to the top of the roof; the park then was occupied by a homeless community; (4) around 2011, when sports facilities were installed in the park, and spatial and temporal closures became the norm under the normal operation by the local government because it had to manage the facilities; and (5) 2020, when the park was redeveloped and fully privatised; further, the park will now be managed by a private operator on a 30-year fixed land lease. Another Olympics has brought the opportunity to redevelop and redesign parks.</p><p> The concepts such as possession, 'no-man's land', indifference, publicness and open space have been discussed by many philosophers, urban researchers, social scientists and constitutional scholars. In summary, urban parks have the potential to secure Liberty from law. If we need human rights and democracy, we have to realise them by securing places for them, namely the park in the city. Therefore, we have to preserve such urban parks; however, this is a great challenge. As seen from the example of Miyashita Park, at one point of time, homeless people occupied the park, and subsequently, the local government, with the support of local residents, evicted them using urban development projects legally with private companies; both events should not have happened. A system of conservation officers in natural conservation areas and play-leaders in play-parks can provide insights into maintaining urban parks. The only way to build such a system is through the practice of defending 'the park in the city'.</p>
著者
藤原 直子 竹下 輝和
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.632, pp.2041-2048, 2008-10-30 (Released:2009-10-28)
参考文献数
13
被引用文献数
1

In this study we analyzed characteristics of activities of junior-high-school teachers, and got some insights of the teachers-room. Teachers' time is severely restricted. Particularly, in the 10-minute-free-time they must manage many tasks, as the school building plan intends. When teachers' working space is under much attention of students, individual guidance and grading is difficult. When the teachers' rooms are separated, teachers need much time to move, so it is difficult to rest and work in the 10-minute-free-time. Also, they have less communication, and have more trouble under sudden accidents on students.
著者
後藤 千夏 瀬口 哲夫
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.654, pp.1855-1863, 2010-08-30 (Released:2010-10-08)
参考文献数
17
被引用文献数
1 2

This study clarifies the actual situation about succession of Rikyu's idea and originality of modern Taian Utsushi. In Taian Usushi, the suitable designs for the modern tea ceremony in addition to the basic designs of Taian that succeed Rikyu's ideas are reproduced. And it is divided into the reproduction type, the type of valuing historical materials, and the restoration type. If a designer thinks Taian is based on Rikyu's idea, it becomes the reproduction type or the type of valuing historical materials. If a designer doesn't think Taian is based on Rikyu's idea so much, it becomes the restoration type.
著者
須田 眞史 初見 学
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.463, pp.99-106, 1994
参考文献数
9
被引用文献数
4 3

This study is an experimental analysis of psychological effects of colors in interior-space, especially in distance recognition, aiming to make clear the effects of colors in space recognition. The results of analyses are as follows: 1) There are two main effects of colors in space recognition, Color Effect in two-dimension, and the sense of oppression. 2) The model with all surfaces painted shows the influence of Color Effect and the original image of the color most obviously. 3) Each sense is influenced differently depending on the position of the painted surface,but a painted bottom surface has influence on all senses. 4) The recognition of linear objects is influenced by painted surfaces placed right angle to it. 5) The original image of color is not always equivalent to the image of models painted by the same color. 6).The image of extent and volume are influenced by Color Effect and the sense of oppression, related to the change of chroma and value. And the image of depth, axis, and balance depends on which surface is painted, and not by the color which it is painted in.
著者
蔵田 夏美 後藤 春彦 吉江 俊
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.743, pp.33-43, 2018-01
被引用文献数
3

&nbsp;As demands of consumers are getting more diverse, downtown and residential areas in Japan have changed to satisfy various image requirements, not just functional differences. It should not be overlooked that the activities of people who make, sell, and interact with their hobbies are growing to a non-negligible economic scale, with invisible change of landscape. In this research, through interview surveys at multiple exhibition spot sale meetings held in the Tokyo metropolitan area, we grasp the actual state of the hand-made craft market and the social background of their formation. We grasped the position of handmade craft market in chapter 2 and clarified the following three points.<br><br>&nbsp;<b>1) The system of the places for activities constituting the hand-made craft market of hobbies</b><br>&nbsp;The places for procurement of materials diversified in the real space and the Internet space, and they came to satisfy the quality, kindness, reasonable prices, convenience for the producers. Production of handmade crafts are enhanced by outside places and services such as shared workshops and the vendor services. In addition, the places for selling works has also diversified, with exhibitions and craft market services, the producers felt delighted that their work gained empathy with the purchasers and exchanges between artists and fans were born. These facts lead to their motivation for making. Almost all of the producers are using SNS to receive information and stimulated from works of other artists, and they also try to exhibit / advertise their works in SNS. It was found that the development of SNS supported the hand-made craft market, which have physical and non-physical places on the internet, crossing the process of materials procurement, production of handcrafts, and selling of their works.<br><br>&nbsp;<b>2) Types of hobby handmade craft market participants and their characters</b><br>&nbsp;Participants who started making their works and joined the handmade craft market could be classified into six types, and characters of each types are revealed, based on their motivations, sex, using of interest, working environment, school, occupation and so on. There are diverse participants, one purely enjoys making their works, while another one tries to sell their works, and some have activities for exhibitions and exchanges. It was found that these diverse participants with different purposes were gathered and formed a hand-made craft market.<br><br>&nbsp;<b>3) Space and social function of the places for making handcrafts, case study of shared studios</b><br>&nbsp;In the chapter 5, we targeted at the &ldquo;share studio&rdquo;, which is a new working model for handmade crafts. The share studio is a space that can be flexibly changed in layout according to the purpose of use, such as the installation of wheeled equipment, and it has the features that they are located in convenient places close to the station. We had investigation at three shared studios in Tokyo. They are not only providing a place for production but also a system of support for manufacturing of both hobbies and main businesses, while they are also providing a place for exchange of artists and information. They also have a role of expanding the base of monozukuri. They are widely used as a place of production for people who are hard to make their works in their own houses. These shared studios are established as a place to support "making things by yourself that is not by mass production".
著者
駒木 定正
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.570, pp.117-123, 2003
被引用文献数
1 1

This paper is intended as a study of the buildings of the Bank of Japan in the Meiji era. The subject is the following two points . The first is to consider how the Bank of Japan changed the organization of an architecture design and the architects. The second is to analyze how the architects (Kingo Tastuno , Uheiji Nagano and Shinichiro Okada) participated in a planning and design of the Otaru Branch of the Bank of Japan. It was found that the various buildings of the Bank of Japan were related to the transition of organizing an architecture design. Moreover, it is concluded that the Otaru Branch is one of the important architecture. The main reason is that three prominent architects made a plan, and this building cost was third in the Bank of Japan.
著者
松田 法子
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
no.747, pp.979-986, 2018-05

&nbsp;A social relationship and a spatial configuration of Beppu hot spring, Oita where &ldquo;<i>geigi</i>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<i>shogi</i>&rdquo; have worked were investigated in this study. The study focused on condition of &ldquo;<i>shogi</i>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; - a licensed prostitute quarter, its employers and their buildings - mainly in ex-Hamawaki village and also in ex-Beppu village.<br>&nbsp;There were people who carry on &ldquo;<i>geiko</i>&rdquo; or &ldquo;<i>yujo</i>&rdquo; businesses in both Beppu village and Hamawaki village in the early modern period. They had a network extending over vast area such as Bungo, Setouchi and Osaka.<br>&nbsp;Until around 1890, main business area of &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; was placed along the Nagare River which runs Beppu village where development or settlement dates back in the beginning to the middle of the 19C. The area was originally a lowland swamp and developed by Hinago family, a top family of pedigree in the village, who runs a hot spring hotel.<br>&nbsp;The business in around 1890 and the business in the early modern period had several things in common. They both hired both &ldquo;<i>geigi</i>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<i>shogi</i>&rdquo; and they also run hot spring hotels. These common features imply a possibility of some &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; owner families had been running there business as &ldquo;<i>geiko-ya</i>&rdquo; from the early modern age.<br>&nbsp;By the end of the Meiji period, &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; business was more active in Hamawaki village rather than in the Nagare River area. This paper pointed out that this transition results from events. That is, the opening of Hoshu Denki Tetsudo rail-way in 1900, modernizing hot spring facilities or refurbishments of facilities and also real estate trading related to the development.<br>&nbsp;Irie town, emerging &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; area developed on a land-filled area where used to be a cove in Hamawaki town, had a unique system of landowning. Lands of other places in the town are generally owned by few &ldquo;<i>zaichi-jinushi</i>&rdquo; - a prestigious real estate owner of the area - but each &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; employer owned &ldquo;<i>soko-chi</i>&rdquo; - covered area of ground by a building - and &ldquo;<i>kosen-chi</i>&rdquo; - a plot where hot spring comes - in Irie town. The paper also pointed out that there was a common feature in &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; owners in Hamawaki during the modern period and hotel owners. Owners of &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; consist of old landlords of the town and immigrants. The proportion of which resembles rapidly growing hotel owners at that time.<br>&nbsp;&ldquo;<i>Geigi</i>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<i>shogi</i>&rdquo; worked during the end of the Meiji period was mainly from Oita, Miyazaki and some areas in Setouchi or Osaka. This geographical tendency has similarity to a network of &ldquo;<i>geiko-ya</i>&rdquo; in the early modern period.<br>&nbsp;In addition to above mentioned studies, typology of buildings in Hamawaki and Irie town was described in the paper. In Hamawaki, &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; buildings were &ldquo;<i>tsuma-iri</i>&rdquo; - axis of an entry constructed parallel to the ridge of the roof - and its wall was finished by lime plaster which is similar to vernacular houses. On the other hand, buildings in Irie town had its root in another type of building. This difference was caused by newness of &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; district.<br>&nbsp;Furthermore, difference of major business area between &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<i>geigi</i>&rdquo; related business after the Taisho period was pointed out in this study. &ldquo;<i>kashi-zashiki</i>&rdquo; runs at Hamawaki but &ldquo;<i>geigi</i>&rdquo; related business run around the Nagare River in Beppu.
著者
堀内 啓佑 中江 研
出版者
日本建築学会
雑誌
日本建築学会計画系論文集 (ISSN:13404210)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.776, pp.2233-2243, 2020 (Released:2020-10-30)

The purpose of this paper is to reveal how discussions on national housing statistical surveys developed and how the results of these discussions were reflected in actual surveys in Japan.  A previous study revealed that national housing statistics in Japan were established by the "Housing survey of industrial cities" and the "Housing survey of larger cities" in 1941. Another study focused on discussions from 1939 to 1941 and revealed how these surveys were conducted.  This current study revealed the following:  (1) Importance of the 1930 national census and related discussions In 1923, the "Housing Problem Council" made up of people from the Department of Social Affairs of the Ministry of Interior, Tokyo City, Tokyo Prefecture, and other organizations was founded. The council set a goal to include a housing survey in the 1930 national census. In 1927, R. Nagaoka, the Director of the Department of Social Affairs and one of the members of the "Housing Problem Council" proposed to the Statistics Bureau of the Cabinet that the census include housing-related items. Between 1927 and 1929, the Statistics Bureau attempted to include several items in the national census. However, due to the lack of funds, only "number of rooms" was considered. In 1928, the "Housing Statistics Committee" was established at the Architectural Institute. In 1930, the committee submitted the "Proposal on housing-related items in the national census." It recommended including more housing・ related items only in cities with a population of 50,000 or more. However, this proposal was also not adopted. Previous studies have not considered the 1930 national census important because "number of rooms" did not provide valid data, given the structure of Japanese housing and the Japanese lifestyle. This current study revealed the importance of the 1930 national census in the process of conducting national housing statistical surveys in Japan because it has led to research and discussions related to methods and items.  (2) Continuity and change of discussions on national housing statistical surveys After the 1930 census, discussions on the national housing statistical surveys started again in 1939. The leading figures who led the 1923-30 discussions were R. Nagaoka, T. Sano, Y. Uchida, and Y. Nakamura. They also played an important role in conducting the "Housing survey of industrial cities" and the "Housing survey of larger cities." This means that the results of the discussions up to 1930 were reflected in the discussions after 1939. On the other hand, during this time, they were changing their policy on national housing statistical surveys. Their goal around 1928 was to obtain housing statistics in all parts of Japan. However, in the process of the execution of the 1930 national census, they learned that it was difficult to conduct it. Therefore, they changed their goal and aimed to conduct a survey that targeted urban housing only. In addition, after the start of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the survey was limited to houses located in "industrial cities" and "larger cities" because solving the housing shortages in these cities was a top priority in carrying out the war. This article revealed that the "Housing survey of industrial cities" and the "Housing survey of larger cities were not conducted based on short・term discussions during the war, but were conducted as a result of long-term discussions and a response to social conditions.