著者
桜井 由躬雄
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
桜井 由躬雄
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
桃木 至朗
出版者
東洋史研究會
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.3, pp.p464-497, 1992-12

This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."
著者
桃木 至朗
出版者
東洋史研究會
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.3, pp.464-497, 1992-12-31

This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."
著者
柴嵜 雅子 シバサキ マサコ Masako Shibasaki
雑誌
国際研究論叢 : 大阪国際大学紀要 = OIU journal of international studies
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.111-129, 2005-10-31

Eichmann is usually considered a colorless bureaucrat who unthinkingly followed criminal orders. Hanna Arendt's report on his trial has been mostinstrumental in coining this image. Drawing on newly found documents, however, a number of historians criticize her for misrepresenting the willing accomplice aswell as the process of the Holocaust. This paper first depicts Adolf Eichmann in contrast with the portrayal by Arendt. He was actually an eloquent and highlycompetent team leader who traveled very often to fend off or iron out conflicts with other authorities involved in the deportation. Secondly, I will examine thecomplexities of convicting him, for his murderous acts were <legal> in the Third Reich and the modern criminal law, based on abrogating vengeance, keeps thevictim out of the loop.
著者
相田 満
出版者
国文学研究資料館
雑誌
国文学研究資料館紀要. 文学研究篇 = The bulletin of the National Institute of Japanese Literature. Japanese literature (ISSN:18802230)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.65-96, 2010-03

編年体である六国史の記載を中国の類書にならい分類再編集した『類聚国史』は、菅原道真の編纂により、寛平四年(八九二)に完成・成立した。中国有数の「類書」と対置されるほどに高い評価を受け、元来本文二○○巻目録二巻系図三巻の計二○五巻であったが、散逸して現存するのは六一巻のみで、亡佚巻の部立については、これまで坂本太郎氏をはじめとして、『類聚国史』内に記載される逸亡項目や、稀々に発見される逸文を基礎に推定されることが専らであった。ところが、無窮会図書館神習文庫蔵『勢多本類聚国史目録」に記載される内容を検討した結果、新たに二○巻分の部立が未報告のものであることが判明した。これにより、既存の研究成果とあわせれば総計一六○巻分の部立が明らかとなる。本稿では、当該資料を紹介するとともに、その妥当性を検討することにより、そこからさらに『類聚国史』の部立てがどの・ような配列原理で設定されたかということについても考察を進める。すなわち、『類聚国史』の配列原理が、それを使用する際の便宜を図るためになされたのではないかという視点に立ち、二官八省の組織を円滑に機能せしめるべく工夫されたと考える。Michizane Sugawara edited "RUIJU-KOKUSHI (A collected Japanese history book)" and it was completed in 892. It was classified by six kinds of Japanese history books and was edited again. It receives a high evaluation as to rank with "a classic encyclopedia" eminent Chinese. Originally it had included 200 volumes text, 2 volumes of indexes, three volumes of genealogies, however, many part of the books had lost now. As a result, it remains only 61 volumes. By the way, there are new contents of 20 volumes, on the "Index of RUIJU-KOKIJSHI, Seta Version" (put in the library of the KANNARAI in the MUKYUUKAI-LIBRARY), that had not reported yet.
著者
安藤 昭代 赤木 啓子
出版者
東海学園女子短期大学
雑誌
東海学園女子短期大学紀要 (ISSN:02858428)
巻号頁・発行日
no.21, pp.p1-12, 1986-07

学校の調理実習で学習した計量器を, 家庭の主婦がどのように活用しているか, 計量器の所持と使用の実態およびその実態の背景にある要因について, アンケー卜調査を行ない検討した。計量器は「はかり・計量カップ・計量スプーン・温度計」の4種類とし, 名古屋市内に居住する主婦を対象として調査した。結果を要約すると次のようである。1.計量器の所持率は「はかり・カップ・スプーン」が比較的高く, 使用率はいずれの計量器においても所持率よりも低い。2.職業別にみると, いずれの計量器においても所持率・使用率ともに主婦専業が比較的高い。3.最終学歴別では, 4種類の計量器において所持率・使用率ともに短大が比較的高く, 中学一が比較的低い。4.好む家事の順位別では, 料理を第1位とした者に「はかり・スプーン」の使用率が高い。5.家庭調理における食生活観では, 手作りの食事を家族に食べさせたいと言う者の使用率がいずれの計量器においても比較的高い。6.学校時代に計量器の使用経験の有る者は, 無い者よりも4種類の計量器の所持率・使用率ともに極めて高い。7.家族と外食する者は, しない者よりもいずれの計量器においても使用率は比較的高い。8.家族構成および1日の総調理時間などの家庭における食生活形態においては, 4種類の計量器の所持率・使用率ともに有意差は認められない。
著者
乕尾 達哉
出版者
京都大学
巻号頁・発行日
1997

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