著者

栄 輝己 水岡 二郎 野村 一俊 田嶋 光

出版者

West-Japanese Society of Orthopedics & Traumatology

雑誌

整形外科と災害外科 (ISSN:00371033)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.837-840, 1986 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

3

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In the vertebral anomalies, congenital synostosis of the cervical vertebrae is not uncommon. In 1912, Klippel and Feil examined a patient with the unusual clinical findings of marked shortening of the neck, low posterior hairline and severely restricted neck motion. Since that time, it has been well known as Klippel and Feil syndrome.During past 3 years, we treated 4 cases surgically which showed cervical disc herniation and cervical spondylotic radiculopathy in the adjacent vertebrae.All cases are male with age range from 45 to 72 years old (average 52). Congenital synostosis of C3-4 vertebrae was seen in 2 cases, C4-5 in 1 case, and synostosis of occipit to CI, C2 in 1 case. Except one case, cevical disc herniation and cervical spondylotic radiculopathy was found in the disc space below the synostosis of cervical vertebrae.

著者

村井 不二男

出版者

公益社団法人 日本化学会

雑誌

日本化學雜誌 (ISSN:03695387)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.8, pp.1324-1326, 1960-08-10 (Released:2011-05-30)

参考文献数

8

被引用文献数

4

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著者らによって単離されたマタタビの有効成分の一つであるマタタビラクトン,C10H16O2(I)の化学構造についてのべる。Iの過マンガン酸カリウム酸化によって2種のネペタリン酸がえられた。またIの加水分解により,一部は相当するオキシ酸(VI)を結晶としてあたえ,このものの閉環によってイソイリドミルメシン(IVb)がえられた。これらの結果からマタタビラクトンはイリドミルメシン(IVa)とイソイリドミルメシン(IVb)の混合物であると推定される。

著者

清水 謙

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.172, pp.172_87-172_99, 2013-02-25 (Released:2015-03-05)

参考文献数

55

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The impact of 9/11 was strong enough to change the Swedish security doctrine of neutrality that had existed since the Cold War. The Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson and Foreign Minister Anna Lindh stated that the security policy of 1992, that is “Military non-alliance making it possible to remain neutral in the event of conflicts in the vicinity”, had served well. This means that Sweden has practically abandoned its neutrality, confronting international terrorism. Swedish society, generally known as ‘an open society’, has many internal “security holes” and the terrorist incident in central Stockholm on December 11th 2010 exposed such kind of vulnerability. That incident was “home-grown” and the generous migration policy was challenged again. This article investigates ‘the securitization of migration’ in Sweden using the analytical framework of ‘securitization’ the Copenhagen School provided. The Copenhagen School insists that ‘speech act’ by securitizing actor(s) and ‘acceptance of the audience’ are required in the process of securitization and that ‘extraordinary measures’ beyond the state’s standard political procedure will be legitimated. The first two steps mentioned above are well discussed in Sweden in earlier research (e.g. by Abiri), while the third one is still controversial. Therefore, my aim in this article is to present a crucial example of an extraordinary measure. Indeed, the securitization of migration started to occur already in the 1990s or earlier, but a conclusive extraordinary measure was not implemented until December 2001, namely the case of repatriation of two Egyptians (Egyptenavvisningarna). In 2005 the Parliamentary Ombudsmen (Justitieombudsmännen) and the Committee on the Constitution (Konstitutionsutskottet) investigated this deviant case and declared that the governmental action was too optimistic and that the method of the repatriation was inappropriate. The repatriation itself has been treated as an accomplished fact in the Parliament even though the decision was adopted in irregular procedure. Therefore, this result leads us to the conclusion that the process of the securitization of migration has been fulfilled. The Securitization of migration in Sweden is still idling and there are no signs of ‘desecuritization’ after the terrorist incident in Stockholm. Furthermore, the sequential terrorist attacks in Norway in July 2011 are thought-provoking and indicate that the Nordic societies have to cope with migrational issues.

著者

森井 裕一

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.167, pp.167_88-101, 2012-01-30 (Released:2013-09-21)

参考文献数

46

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Germany ceased conscription for its military, the Bundeswehr, in July 2011. Ever since the establishment of the Bundeswehr, the system of conscription had played a key role in connecting the Bundeswehr and German society. The concept of “Staatsbürger in Uniform” (citizen in uniform) was a guarantee to keep the Bundeswehr as a military for peace. This paper discusses why Germany stopped conscription, even though it had long been regarded as a vital component of Germany's postwar security culture.In the first section of this paper, historical developments in the German security culture and the role of the Bundeswehr are discussed. During the process of German rearmament in the 1950s, a new military was established in a way that would prevent it from being able to become an independent and undemocratic institution outside society—as it did in the days leading up to World War II. The Bundeswehr gained respect from society and became one of the most successful institutions in postwar Germany.In the second section, the changing role and the military transformation of the Bundeswehr after the end of the Cold War are examined. The changing international security environment forced Germany to reconsider the role of its military. During the period up until the end of the Cold War, the use of Germany's military was restricted to the defense of its own and its allies' territories. However, this previously respected self-imposed restriction became an obstacle in the new international environment. The 1994 decision by the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) made the deployment of the Bundeswehr outside NATO areas legally possible, although the FCC at the same time gave more power to the Bundestag, the German parliament, to control the deployment of the Bundeswehr. In the 1990s, the new military role for international crisis management demanded the military transformation of the Bundeswehr. Since the mid-1990s, many proposals were made to reform and reorganize the Bundeswehr, but they were not totally successful, because the domestic political discourse did not change as rapidly as the technical needs had changed. In addition, constraints upon the state budget made the reform even more difficult. After more than ten years of discussion, conscription was finally suspended under the strong leadership of the politically popular defense minister, Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg. According to zu Guttenberg's reform, the Bundeswehr would be an effective, efficient and flexible military for international crisis management.The final section analyzes the implications of the reform of the Bundeswehr on Germany's security culture and foreign policy. Germany's security policy defined in multilateralism, i.e. within NATO and the EU, would stay unchanged. However, the new security environment might change the domestic understanding of Germany's military, and thus Germany's security culture in the future.

著者

Naoto Ito Ayana Ogasawara Mika Kawasumi Koji Mori Tomohisa Nagata Yoshihisa Fujino

出版者

Japan Society for Occupational Health

雑誌

Journal of Occupational Health (ISSN:13419145)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.e12147, 2020 (Released:2020-11-25)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

1

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Objectives: To elucidate the factors that influence occupational physicians’ decision to issue an employer warning.Methods: The interview was conducted with 10 Japan Society for Occupational Health certified occupational physicians (COPs) and certified senior occupational physicians (CSOPs) to create nine fictive scenarios in which an occupational physician may need to consider issuing a warning. Sixteen CSOPs assessed the seriousness of the problem in each of nine scenarios where they may need to consider issuing an employer warning. Next, using a survey questionnaire, 597 COPs and CSOPs were asked to rate how likely they were to issue a warning in each of the nine scenarios, and answer items on their characteristics and number of previously issued warnings. A multilevel logistic regression analysis nested for various scenarios was used to assess the odds ratio (OR) of being likely to issue a warning.Results: Valid questionnaires were obtained from 117 participants (19.6%). The ORs and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were as follows: mean score of seriousness of the problem, 5.90 (4.50-7.75); years of experience as occupational physician, 1.04 (1.02-1.06); women, 1.75 (1.20-2.54); being a part-time occupational physician without in-house experience, 2.08 (1.31-3.29); and having previously issued two or more times warnings, 1.99 (1.29-3.06), compared with those who had never issued a warning.Conclusions: Occupational physicians’ likelihood to issue a warning was associated with the seriousness of the problem as assessed in various scenarios, years of experience as occupational physician, gender, employment type, experience as in-house occupational physician, and number of past warnings.

著者

今井 宏平

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.150, pp.186-202,L18, 2007-11-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

52

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The aim of this paper is to explore how Turkey contributes to American foreign policy during the Post-Cold War era, especially Middle Eastern dimension.The discussion has three parts. Firstly, this deals with American foreign policy toward the Middle East during Post-Cold War era and demonstrates American failure. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, international order started to change and the United States intensified its hegemonic power. But America failed to manage Iraq War, and Middle East region is becoming disorder and nest of terrorism. Furthermore, Anti-Americanism is spreading rapidly in this region. The United States is coming to reach a deadlock.Secondly, Turkey will be situated “Transmission Middle Power” after Iraq War. Since the word of “Middle Power” is ambiguous, it has to be conceptualized at first. In this paper, “Middle Power” is classified as “Classical Middle Power”, “Functional Middle Power” and “Transmission Middle Power”. Historically, Turkey has been described as “Middle Power”. However, its role and quality of power have been changed by relationship of Great Power and international structure. Now, Turkey pioneers “Transmission Middle Power” by using historical and cultural factors.Thirdly, this focuses on American-Turkish relations. Since both states faced the Soviet threat during the Cold War period, Turkey contributed American containment policy. The end of bipolar system, however, changed their relationships. During the Gulf War, Turkey assisted the United States through economic sanction against Iraq and offered the multinational force to military bases. Turkey acted as “Classical Middle power” in the Cold War era. But after the Gulf War, both countries disagreed with OPC (Operation Provide Comfort) and OPCII in Northern Iraq. In Iraq War, Turkey did not offer to military bases. This was watershed of American-Turkish relations. After this decision, Turkey seeks to contribute to Middle Eastern stability as “Transmission Middle Power”. In particular, the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) is a good deliberative place among Middle Eastern countries to prevail democracy. Turkey is one of chair countries in Democracy Assistance Dialogue (DAD), which is a component of BMENA..In conclusion, Turkey is “Middle Power” so it has to keep good relationships with the United States to spread its influence toward International politics in the Post-Cold War era. However, the forms of cooperation have changed all the time by international affairs and structure. Now, “Transmission Middle Power” is the best form both America and Turkey.

著者

山田 浩一郎 清水 富弘

出版者

一般社団法人 日本温泉気候物理医学会

雑誌

日本温泉気候物理医学会雑誌 (ISSN:00290343)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.3, pp.167-172, 2008 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

14

被引用文献数

1

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PurposeIn recent years, relatively high humidity (100%) and low temperature (40°C) sauna systems called mist saunas have become popular for homes. It is reported that the impact of differing bathing conditions-namely tub bathing and mist sauna bathing-on the circulation of blood in the scalp have been verified in order to clarify the effects of mist sauna on scalp hair: a characteristic of concern to many men.MethodThe testing was performed on 8 healthy men in their twenties (average age: 23.6, average weight: 61.8kg, average height: 166cm). Bathing conditions were mist sauna at 40°C for 10 minutes and full body bathing at 40°C for 10 minutes. Blood circulation in the scalp was observed at the top of their heads using a laser Doppler blood flow meter attached to head gear. At the same time, the skin temperature and local perspiration on their foreheads were measured.Results and conclusionsImmediately after beginning bathing, the blood flow rose significantly higher during full body bathing than during the mist sauna. No change was observed as full body bathing continued, but during the mist sauna, the blood flow gradually increased until ultimately the blood flow was much higher during the mist sauna than during full body bathing. Based on this result, it is assumed that the increase of scalp blood flow during full body bathing was caused by hydrostatic pressure, and the increase caused by the mist sauna was the result of the heat effects.

著者

山中 克郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本内科学会

雑誌

日本内科学会雑誌 (ISSN:00215384)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.12, pp.2454-2459, 2019-12-10 (Released:2020-12-10)

参考文献数

8

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救急患者の診察では,症状やバイタルサインから致死的疾患を想起し,red flag signがないか確認することが大切である.患者本人からの症状聴取が困難なときは,同伴者から情報を得るとよい.鑑別診断のヒントとなる重要なキーワードを病歴や所見から見つけることも,鑑別診断の効果的な絞り込みに役立つ.よくある疾患に対しては,典型的な症状があるかどうかを確認する.

著者

小林 静香 黒澤 友美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本農村医学会

雑誌

日本農村医学会雑誌 (ISSN:04682513)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.61-69, 2014 (Released:2014-07-24)

参考文献数

2

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2011年3月11日の東日本大震災時, A病院の手術室は4件の手術中で, 一時中断はしたがその後予定通り終了することができた。今回, 地震を体験した手術室看護師が実際どのような行動をしたのか, またその時の心情の実態を明らかにし, 今後の災害時の行動指針作成の参考にする。 〔方法〕手術室看護師に対し, 地震発生時・発生後の行動や心情, 手術室防災マニュアルの理解度と行動, 今後の対策について質問紙法で調査した。 〔結果・考察〕地震発生時は, 多くの看護師が不安や恐怖を感じていたが, その状況下でも患者の安全確保, 不安の軽減を図る行動を優先して行っていた。一方, 術野の清潔保持に対する注意などマニュアル記載事項の実施が不充分な事も明らかになった。災害時は速やかに, 患者の安全確保・不安を軽減させる対応が重要である。今後, フローチャートの掲示, 定期的な訓練の実施など災害対策を検討する必要がある。

著者

山田 満

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.116, pp.46-63,L8, 1997-10-18 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

50

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ASEAN will be composed of ten countries in the near future. The forms of government in the ASEAN countries is conceptualized as authoritarian regime for development. Authoritarian regimes in ASEAN take many forms such as military regime, single-party dictatorships, the ruling coalition, personalist autocracies, and absolute monarchies. They refuse the concept of Western democracy claiming that it does not bring stability and development for developing countries. The authoritarian characteristics of the Indonesian government and the Malaysian goverment are analyzed in this paper.The Suharto government is called the “New Order”. Suharto controlled the army, the bureaucracy, and the business community. He is supported by Golkar, which is a corporatist group that includes the entire bureaucracy, the armed forces, and the business sector. Golkar has won six elections overwhelmingly since the advent of the New Order. He promotes the economy for development in Indonesia based on the authoritarian system which is supported by the army, technocrats, and Golkar.The Mahathir government is supported by an UMNO-led coalition of parties representing the three ethic groups. The Malaysian government has promoted the New Economic Policy which eradicates poverty and channels more of the nation's wealth to the Malays during 1971-1990. Mahathir attempts to complete his developmental policies through some visions such as “Look East policy, ” “Malaysia Incorporated, ” and “Vision 2020.” The purpose of his authoritarian regime for development regime is to realize the ethic balance after the disturbance of 1969. His popularity becomes higher and higher because of his leaderships. This was seen in the overwhelming victory of the 1995 election.Finally, the middle class is growing in ASEAN. Do they contribute to democratization in their own countries? In the case of both countries, they are conservative generally because their consumptive lives depend on the developmental government. However, I conclude that the degree of democratization between the two becomes greater and greater because of the size of population, the characteristics of leaderships, the rise of the middle class, and the distribution of economic development.

著者

中見 立夫

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1980, no.66, pp.109-127,L5, 1980-11-05 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

69

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The purpose of this article is to clarify China and Russia's attitudes toward the Russo-Chinese negotiation concerning Mongolia in 1913.In 1911, the Mongols declared independence, and organized the Bogdo Khan government. Bogdo's Mongolia aimed to be a comlete independent state which united all Mongolians. However, Russia, just after the Mongol declaration of independence, aimed at creating an Autonomous Outer Mongolia. Opposed to these, China categorically opposed to the independence or autonomy of Outer Mongolia, but consented only to abolish the “New Policy” and reinstate the old Ch'ing administrative system in Mongolia.At first, Russia planned to mediate between Mongolia and China, but abandoned the plan because of China's over bigoted attitude. Then, Russia changed her attitude toward establishing a tentative diplomatic relations by concluding an agreement with Mongolia. Russian aim was to force China into negotiation with Russia.The Russo-Chinese negotiation concerning Mongolia, as Russia wished, was started in Reking in November 23, 1913, just after the Russo-Mongolian Agreement of November 3, in which Russian rights and interests in Outer Mongolia were widely recognized. In this negotiation, Russia, in exchange of her support of China's suzerainty over Mongolia, demanded China to recognize Outer Mongolia's autonomy and the validity of the Russo-Mongolian Agreement. China not only refused to recognize the Russo-Mongolian Agreement, but also demanded Russia to confirm China's sovereignty over Mongolia. Moreover, China wanted only to continue the old administrative system in Mongolia. The negotiation, once, was about to be settled. However, China's inordinate persistence to the reinstatement of the old system in Mongolia brought the rupture of the negotiation.Mongolia herself, kept an eye on the Russo-Chinese negotiation about her future status, and demanded Russia for Mongolia's participation in any negotiation which concern her fate.After an interruption, the Russo-Chinese negotiation was held again on September, 1913. Russia, at this negotiation, sought to establish only the principles to resolve the problems concerning Mongolia between China and Russia. The final settlement of the questions was to be entrusted to a future conference among Mongolia, Russia and China.In November 5, 1913, the Russo-Chinese Declaration was signed. The content of this declaration was that China gave up the reinstatement of the old regional system in Mongolia and confirmed the new one or the Autonomous Outer Mongolia under China's suzerainty. At th same time, the declaration also proclaimed the begining of the so-called Tripartite conference among Mongolia, Russia and China for the final settlement of the Mongol problems.

著者

井上 英治

出版者

日本霊長類学会

雑誌

霊長類研究 Supplement 第22回日本霊長類学会大会

巻号頁・発行日

pp.81, 2006 (Released:2007-02-14)

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複雄群を形成する霊長類で、第一位オス(αオス)は、雌へ近接する優先権があり、繁殖に有利であるとされる。しかし、オスの順位は一時的な状態であり、雄の一生を通じて、高順位になったオスが高い繁殖成功が得られているかはわからない。本研究では、αから陥落した雄の一年間の動向から、αオスのリスクについて検討した。タンザニア、マハレ山塊国立公園にて、2004年10月から2005年9月までMグループを観察した。2004年10月時点で、FNはαオスから陥落しており、Mグループの遊動域内を遊動していた。調査中、調査助手や他の研究者を含め、FNを観察できた日は、たったの45日であった。個体追跡した日は23日で、そのうち19日で他の個体と出会った。雌とのみ出会った日は一日のみで、多くの場合で雄と出会った。このうち、MAという同年代のオスと最もよく出会い、2頭だけでいる日もあった。一方、現αオスのALとはあまり出会わなく、ALと出会った日は、合計して5頭以上のオスと出会った日であった。また、発情メスと出会いその発情メスが他のオスと交尾した日は2日のみで、いずれの日もFNは交尾をしなかった。このように、FNは群れの他個体と過ごす日数は少ないが、群れの遊動域内に留まっているようであった。これは、成熟したオスが移籍できないためであろう。仲のよいオスを中心に多くの個体と一緒にいることはできるが、現αオスといることは難しいようであった。このために、他個体と常に行動をともにできないのであろう。また、発情メスがいると騒動が起こる可能性があるので、発情メスがいるときには、群れのメンバーと会わないようにしているのかもしれない。このような状態が長く続くようであれば、生涯繁殖成功を考えたときに必ずしもαを経験したオスが有利とはならないのかもしれない。

著者

武田 廉 五十嵐 達也 大熊 彩 小山 智寛 星野 雄哉 宮田 一弘

出版者

日本理学療法士学会

雑誌

理学療法学 (ISSN:02893770)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.11785, (Released:2020-08-11)

参考文献数

32

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【目的】急性期脳卒中患者におけるMini-Balance Evaluation Systems Test(以下,Mini-BESTest)の妥当性,信頼性,反応性,解釈可能性を検討した。【方法】対象は脳卒中患者 42 名とした。Mini-BESTest と他の評価尺度の相関関係,内的一貫性,既存のバランス評価尺度との変化量の相関関係,および歩行自立度の判別精度を検討した。【結果】バランスおよび他の類似概念の評価尺度と有意な相関(r=0.36 ~0.83)を示し,内的一貫性も良好(α=0.88)であった。Mini-BESTest と既存のバランス評価尺度の変化量は有意な相関(r=0.84)を認めたが,歩行自立の判別精度は低かった。【結論】Mini-BESTest は妥当性,信頼性,反応性,解釈反応性を示し,急性期脳卒中患者に対するバランス評価尺度として妥当な尺度であることが示唆された。

著者

Yang­-yang Cui Qing Cai Zhu L Yang

出版者

The Mycological Society of Japan

雑誌

Mycoscience (ISSN:13403540)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.29-35, 2021-01-20 (Released:2021-01-20)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

4

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Amanita chuformis, a new species in the A. pseudogemmata-A. ballerina subclade of Amanita section Phalloideae, is described from China with both multi-gene phylogenetic and morphological data. This species occurs in subalpine coniferous forests in southwestern China and is characterized by its brownish pileus decorated with conical to patch-like volval remnants, a slightly striate pileal margin, a marginate basal bulb, and weakly amyloid to amyloid, subglobose to broadly ellipsoid basidiospores measuring 9.5–11 × 8–9.5 μm. Phylogenetic analyses based on internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region, the nuclear ribosomal RNA large subunit (nrLSU) and the genes for the polymerase II second largest subunit (RPB2) and for translation elongation factor 1-α (TEF1α) indicate A. chuformis is close to A. pseudogemmata and A. levistriata. The new species is described, illustrated and compared with closely related and similar species.

著者

羽田野 直道

出版者

東京大学生産技術研究所

雑誌

生産研究 (ISSN:0037105X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.5, pp.359-370, 2016-09-01 (Released:2016-09-30)

参考文献数

12

著者

石本 泰雄

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.10, pp.121-122, 1959-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

完倉 寿郎

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.115-118, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

西野 照太郎

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1958, no.4, pp.85-96, 1958-02-05 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

28

著者

本名 純

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_70-2_86, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Indonesia is widely regarded as a hotbed of transnational violent crime in Southeast Asia. Terrorists and criminal rings have developed cross-border networks rooted in Indonesia. These ‘non-state actors’ quickly emerged as major concerns for post-Suharto governments, posing serious threats to the national security and economy. In response, various ‘wars on crimes’ have been initiated in the name of combating these threats. This article aims to elucidate the politics behind the making of these ‘wars’ by examining the ‘war on drugs’ led by the police (and the national narcotics agency) and the ‘war on terrorism’ orchestrated by the army.   I argue that the threat is undoubtedly real, but war campaigns are designed to promote a political strategy of instrumentalizing the threat of transnational violent crime. With this strategy, both the police and the army were able to deflect criticism, reclaim ground lost during the democratization movement, and articulate this revanchism in the legitimizing vernacular of ‘global wars.’ In this sense these security actors are hijacking the ‘violence of non-state actors’ as a Trojan horse to regain power, build budgets, strengthen institutions and undermine reform pressures.

著者

池尾 恭一

出版者

日本消費者行動研究学会

雑誌

消費者行動研究 (ISSN:13469851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.77-100, 1993-09-20 (Released:2009-05-29)

参考文献数

8

被引用文献数

2