著者

山本 尚樹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本発達心理学会

雑誌

発達心理学研究 (ISSN:09159029)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, pp.261-273, 2011-09-20 (Released:2017-07-27)

被引用文献数

6

---

本研究は,神経学的な要因から論じられてきた乳児の寝返り動作の獲得を,個人の運動特性や知覚との関係などを考慮に入れた近年の行動発達研究の観点から捉えなおすことを目的とした。寝返り動作を乳児が初めて獲得する環境への方向定位の自発的な転換と位置づけ,その獲得過程の縦断的な観察を2名の乳児の日常の活動を撮影した映像資料から行った。対象児は脚部を活発に動かし,視線の方向と一致しない乱雑な体幹の回旋運動が増加する時期をともに経ていたが,一方の乳児はその脚部の動作に頸の伸展動作が伴うようになっていった。他方の乳児には脚部の動作の発達的変化は認められなかったが,上体に始まり視線の方向と一致した体幹の回旋運動を多く行っており,この回旋運動を徐々に大きなものへと変化させていた。こうした動作の発達的変化を経つつも,寝返り動作の獲得時期に対象児は視線と方向を一致させつつ体幹を大きく回旋させるようになっていたことが確認された。また寝返りを行う際の動作の構成は各対象児で異なり,獲得時期の体幹の回旋運動に頻繁に観察された動作パターンから対象児は寝返りを行っていることが確認された。以上の結果から,乳児の寝返り動作の獲得過程は環境への方向定位と自己の身体動作の関わり方のダイナミックな探索過程であることが示唆された。

著者

安田 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本風力エネルギー学会

雑誌

風力エネルギー (ISSN:03876217)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.482-485, 2018 (Released:2020-05-27)

著者

佐々木喜善 著

出版者

郷土研究社

巻号頁・発行日

1927

著者

ボンヌ 著

出版者

名古屋学校

巻号頁・発行日

vol.上, 1871

著者

(明)李時珍//撰, (明)李建中//図

出版者

胡承竜

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第23冊(第39-42巻), 1590

著者

服部 倫卓

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, no.48, pp.19-40, 2019 (Released:2020-05-30)

参考文献数

48

---

In this study, I tried to survey economic effects of China’s Belt and Road Initiative on Russia and other Eurasian Countries as its transit nations. Economic effects can be categorized into ‘investment effects,’ ‘transport effects’ and ‘areal effects.’I found that ‘investment effects’ of BRI on the railway sector of Eurasian countries were rather limited. Few fulfilled projects include China Eximbank’s loan to finance construction of Kamchik railway tunnel in Uzbekistan, China Eximbank’s loan to finance electrification of Belarus’s railway and, though the details were unknown, China’s commitment to invest in establishing the special economic zone ‘Khorgos-Eastern Gate.’ Other investment projects on the list of prospective joint works by Eurasian Economic Union members and China, such as the Moscow-Kazan high-speed rail project, the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway project and the project to connect rail networks of Armenia and Iran, had not been materialized so far.As for ‘transport effects,’ thus far the most remarkable success story is the rapid growth of China Railway Express connecting China and Europe via Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus by container trains, which is believed to bring about over 100 million US dollars of transit revenue annually to each of them. Companies from European regions of Russia and Belarus also begin to explore the Chinese market by virtue of China Railway Express, which may play some positive role in expanding non-resource, non-energy exports, a priority for Putin administration. One must, however, put it into consideration that according to balance of payment statistics railway service export revenue of the three countries is stagnating. In addition, China-Europe container transport is still dominated by maritime modal, not railway. Beijing plans to reduce subsidies by local governments to container trains, which also makes the future of China Railway Express uncertain.Lastly, we can regard the development of ‘Khorgos-Eastern Gate’ in Kazakhstan and the birth of industrial park ‘Great Stone’ in Belarus, both with investments from China, as typical cases of ‘areal effects,’ while the ambitious Moscow-Kazan high-speed rail project in Russia came to a deadlock because it needs larger investments and more complicated arrangements.

著者

木本 麻希子

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.43, pp.105-120, 2014 (Released:2016-09-09)

参考文献数

48

---

This study aims to clarify Sergei Prokofiev’s compositional characteristics and techniques used in his late piano sonatas through both aesthetic and theoretical analyses based on the manifestation of his so-called “five lines.” This research also focuses on the historical background and conceptual origin of his five lines to highlight his usage of these lines in his works. In his autobiography, Prokofiev specifically mentioned that his five lines permeated all his compositions. These lines have distinct musical characteristics: classical, which takes a neo-classical form in pieces such as sonatas or concertos and is indispensable for exploring the form and structure of his piano sonatas; modern, which is mainly found in his harmonic language, including melody, orchestration and dramatic features; toccata or motor, traceable to the Toccata Op. 7, which is one of Robert Schumann’s solo piano works, and its driving energy from its repetitive rhythmic pattern reflecting the industrialization of the early 20th century; lyrical, which reflects a thoughtful and meditative mood and links long melodic lines, showing Prokofiev’s romanticism; and grotesque, a term used by his contemporaries that Prokofiev himself described as “scherzo-ish.” In addition, Prokofiev’s five lines manifest his standing in music among his contemporaries, and compositions based on them echo several aesthetic ideas such as neo-classicism, primitivism and constructivism. Prokofiev’s musical career in piano sonatas is generally divided into the following three periods. The first period constitutes his formative years in Russia, namely 1891–1918 (Piano Sonatas Nos. 1–4); the second period includes his years in the USA and Europe, namely 1918–1936 (Piano Sonata No. 5), and the third period includes his final years in the U.S.S.R., namely 1936–1953 (Piano Sonatas Nos. 7–9). Prokofiev wrote many works during this latter period, which include ballet music for “Romeo and Juliet” Op. 64 and “Cinderella” Op. 87 and film music for “The Queen of Spades” Op. 70, the opera “War and Peace” Op. 91, and Symphony No. 5 Op. 100. Above all, his late Piano Sonatas (i.e., No. 6 Op. 82, No. 7 Op. 83, and No. 8 Op. 84), commonly referred to as “The War Sonatas” since they were composed during the Second World War, are most representative of his piano writing. However, previous analytical studies on his late piano sonatas allow plenty of scope to reconsider these works for an aesthetic and historical investigation against the political background at the time (such as against the existing socialist realism). This study explores Prokofiev’s five lines principle and its compositional practice against the social background in his later works to illustrate the composer’s approach during the political repression of the time. The results of this investigation show that, despite the intense political pressure in the U.S.S.R. during the 1930s and 1940s, Prokofiev managed to maintain his own musical identity and expressive style through his manifestation of the five lines concept.

著者

石郷岡 建

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.35, pp.46-59, 2006 (Released:2010-05-31)

---

This article analyzed the so-called “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. The “Orange Revolution” is widely understood by the western media and countries as a part of political, democratic changes in the former Soviet Union, and also very often called or mentioned as a “Democratic Revolution.” The author has a different opinion and a strong feeling of uneasiness to call it as a “Democratic Revolution.”However it is rather difficult to explain those changes such as The “Rose Revolution” in Georgia (2003), the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine (2004), the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgys (2005), as simply a coincidental happening. There should be some explanation of similarities and should be a comparative analysis.From this point of view the author picked up the general election in Ukraine which was held in March, 2006, and made an analysis of political changes in Ukraine as a whole.The result of the analysis showed the following: 1) The most of the people in Ukraine have now a feeling of the disillusion by the “Orange Revolution.” 2) The political confrontation in the “Orange Revolution” were based on the geopolitical different direction of the West and the East. This confrontational pattern has not changed so much before and after the revolution. 3) The direction of the West and the East are completely opposite, and almost impossible to compromise. The Ukrainian society is divided by the West and the East, and the power balance is very narrow and full of the tension. 4) However the new element of political changes is now emerging within the Ukrainian society. Especially the economical changes based on the development of the market economy are now becoming more important for the Ukrainian politics, and should not be ignored.After the election in March, 2006, the former “Orange Revolution” coalition forces tried to establish a new government, but failed. Instead, the opposition pro-Russian forces with the leader of Mr. Jankovich, have succeeded to form a new government. This outcome can be also explained by the economical changes in Ukraine.After the collapse of Soviet Union the so-called socialism system were broken down one by one, but all the former socialist countries had same (or similar) problems and difficulties. Behind those problems and difficulties you can find out always the friction among the society because of the introduction of market economy. In this context it may be possible to find out the logics and rules of political changes in postsocialist countries based on the analysis of the economic developments. The author has a hypothesis that behind the “Color-Democratic” revolution the economic factor, especially the development of market economy has played a very important role.

著者

村井 淳

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.32, pp.145-161, 2003 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

17

---

Crimes are mirrors of society. This article analyzes the contents of the Russian criminal statistics that began to be released to the public from the end of the Soviet era and examines the changes of the Russian society behind the crimes.There are three particular periods when crimes in Russia rapidly increased from 1982 to 2002. The first period is 1983, one year after the general secretary Brezhnev died. In 1983, the number of thefts remarkably increased, but the increase rate is not as prominent as the other two periods. The second period is 1989-1992, before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the number of crimes increased because morality and social order collapsed due to the following: introduction and expansion of the market economy, the social maladaptation of the returned soldiers from Afghanistan, and the confusion brought by the collapse of the Soviet Union. From 1989 to 1992, atrocious crimes such as murders, rapes and robberies especially increased. The third period is 1998-1999. The financial crisis in 1998 deprived millions of people of their savings and wages. From 1998 to 1999, the number of robberies, thefts and drug-related crimes increased. After Putin was officially elected as president of Russia in 2000, however, the crime rate increase slowed and, crimes started to reduce in number in 2002.Today the most serious crimes are crimes related to drugs, psychotropic medicines and deadly poisons. Drugs such as heroin and poppy seeds come to Russia mainly from Afghanistan and Tadzhikistan through Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz and Turkmenistan, and the part of them flows out to Ukraine and Western Europe. Drugs are expanding to smaller cities in Russia, not to mention the large cities. A large number of crimes, including drug-related crimes, are rapidly increasing in Khabarovsk, Tyumen', Ekaterinburg, Irkutsk, Kaliningrad, Novosibirsk, and so on. Of late, the number of crimes in Moscow is more than that in Sankt-Peterburk. Behind that, there exist movements of Russian Mafias.The unemployment rate rose after the collapse of the Soviet Union and became the highest in 1998 (13.2%) . The number of crimes, criminals and prisoners increased in proportion to the unemployment rate. Moreover, the number of crimes caused by the unemployed especially increased. This phenomenon, of course, was related to the economic conditions behind it. Among the young, those who don't go to school and have no job, increased in number and they tend to commit crimes such as robberies and thefts. In 2002, the number of crimes in Russia reduced a little, but the number of murders and drug-related crimes were larger, and the number of thefts were smaller compared to America, Japan, Britain, France and Germany. It seems that a large amount of illegal drugs flows underground in Russia.Now not only does the Russian government have to reinforce anticrime and anti-Mafia measures, but also have to reinforce the redistribution of wealth for the week, to promote national welfare, to regulate corruption of government officials and to promote tax collection in order to reduce the number of crimes. To do so, first of all, the government must further develop the economy and accumulate wealth.

著者

宮川 真一

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.181-198, 2002 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

60

---

In Russia, “fundamentalism” in the Russian Orthodox Church has been on the rise since the early 1990's. “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” stand for restoration of autocracy, restriction against the Jews and the confessions other than the Orthodox one, the imperial principle of state structure, the Russian Orthodox Church status as the state church, for complete rejection of the concepts of democracy and human rights (in particular, as concerns the freedom of conscience), opposition to any forms of Western influence within the country and struggle against it beyond its borders, and compulsory imposition of “Orthodox values” in every-day life, culture and even economy. Their worldview is based on extremely mythologized notions about the pre-revolutionary Orthodox monarchy.Inside the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate, Metropolitan of Saint Petersburg and Ladoga Ioann, a person of a greatest authority among the conservatives, prodused the most convincing arguments in favor of a “fundamentalist” position. Many Orthodox “fundamentalist” leaders including an activist Konstantin Dushenov, Editor-in-Chief of “Orthodox Rus” newspaper, have followed Ioann. Some church bishops and the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad and of the True Orthodox Church have represented “fundamentalist” circles in these churches. A number of Orthodox brotherhoods, such as the Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, the Christian Regeneration Union, the Union of Orthodox Citizens, ideologically hold extremely nationalist positions. Same as the similar extra-Church groups, such brotherhoods are not supported by the bishops, but it is impossible to expel anybody from the Church for political views and the nationalist brotherhoods continue working actively. Moreover, right-wing extremist organizations, such as “Pamyat”, “Black Hundred”, “Russian National Unity” actively cooperate in many regions with Russian Orthodox Church clerics. These persons and organizations can be classified into “fundamentalism” and “quasi-fundamentalism” for the moment. The clerics in the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate, the Russian Orthodox church Abroad, the True Orthodox Church are the former. The Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods, the Christian Regeneration Union are included in it. The Union of Orthodox Citizens and the right-wing extremist organizations are the latter.“Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” fight back to defend their national and religious identity and worldview, fight with fundamentals of “Autocracy, Orthodoxy, Nationality”, and fight against their enemy. such as Western Europe, globalization under the name of God. “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalism” is similar to Russian Right-wing Extremism, and both of them are violent and aren't tolerant. “Russian Orthodox Fndamentalists” base their core identity on religion and they try to construct structual violence. Russian Right-wing Extremists emphasise race, nationality, state in their identity and they resort to physical violence. In addition, Russian New Right-wing Extremism borrow various ideologies othar than Russian Orthodox Christianity.In 2002, conflict between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church has come to the surface. It seems that since the early 1990's the unstable balance between “fundamentalists” and the Patriarchate has been gradually shifting in favor of “fundamentalists”. It is impossible to ignore the influence of “Russian Orthodox Fundamentalists” at the aspects of politics, society, and public opinion in Russia today.

著者

中川 八洋

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ソ連・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:03867226)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.18, pp.54-57, 1989 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

7

著者

越野 英哉 苧阪 満里子 苧阪 直行

出版者

日本生理心理学会

雑誌

生理心理学と精神生理学 (ISSN:02892405)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.1304si, (Released:2013-11-25)

参考文献数

111

被引用文献数

1

---

デフォルトモードネットワーク(Default Mode Network: DMN)は脳内ネットワークのひとつであるが,様々な認知課題遂行中に活動の低下を示すため,近年神経科学の分野で注目を集めている.ブレインイメージングにおいては,認知機能の神経基盤を探るにあたって,従来の構造と機能のマッピングから,最近はネットワーク間の競合や協調に注目するように観点が変化してきていると思われる.その際にネットワークを構成する領域がどのような状況で同じ活動を示し,またどのような状況では異なったネットワークの一部として活動するかという機能的異質性の問題は近年重要性を増している.これは大きな領域や,大規模ネットワークに関して特に問題になる.脳の領域と機能の間の関係は,特に連合野は,単一の領域が複数の機能に関係しまた単一の機能はそれが高次機能になればなるほど複数の領域の協調によって遂行されるという多対多の関係にある.また脳内ネットワークと機能の間の関係も一対一とは限らず,したがってある課題において同一のネットワークに属する領域も課題の状況によっては異なったネットワークに属することも考えられる.本稿ではこの機能的異質性の問題についてDMNを中心に検討する.

著者

三井 光夫

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:21854645)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.28, pp.126-135, 1999 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

40

著者

勝田 吉太郎

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:21854645)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.28, pp.1-4, 1999 (Released:2010-05-31)

著者

村井 淳

出版者

ロシア・東欧学会

雑誌

ロシア・東欧学会年報 (ISSN:21854645)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.23, pp.76-84, 1994 (Released:2010-05-31)

参考文献数

44

著者

有岡 祐子 奥村 啓樹

出版者

日本生物学的精神医学会

雑誌

日本生物学的精神医学会誌 (ISSN:21866619)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.123-128, 2022 (Released:2022-09-25)

参考文献数

24

---

精神疾患は,患者自身に多大な苦痛とQOL低下を引き起こすと同時に,膨大な社会的損失をもたらす。しかし,未だ精神疾患の病態解明には至っておらず,根本的な治療法開発は実現できていない。その理由のひとつとなっているのが,「精神疾患の病態メカニズムを解析・検証できる実験モデル確立の困難さ」である。この課題に立ち向かうべく注目されているのがiPS細胞である。精神疾患の病態解明研究にiPS細胞技術が取り入れられた当初を振り返ると,単に「健常者vs精神疾患患者」での比較を行った報告が主流であった。近年では,精神疾患発症のリスクゲノムバリアントに基づいたアプローチへと変化しつつある。本稿では,ゲノムとiPS細胞のコラボレーションによる筆者らの研究成果を紹介するとともに,iPS細胞のメリットとデメリット,そして精神疾患の病態解明と創薬におけるiPS細胞の可能性について述べる。

著者

藤本 雄太 宮下 芳明

雑誌

研究報告ヒューマンコンピュータインタラクション(HCI)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010-HCI-139, no.11, pp.1-7, 2010-07-23

---

従来のプレゼンテーションは,同じ形状・サイズの四角いスライドを 1 枚ずつ用いているため,全体の構成もメリハリのない均質なものとなりがちである.そこで本稿では,マンガのコマ割りの技法を導入し,自由な形状とサイズのコマをレイアウトして,時には複数の情報を同時に見せられるプレゼンテーションを作成するツールを提案する.

著者

井上 昂治 Lala Divesh 河原 達也

出版者

一般社団法人 人工知能学会

雑誌

人工知能学会研究会資料 言語・音声理解と対話処理研究会 93回 (2021/11) (ISSN:09185682)

巻号頁・発行日

pp.155-160, 2021-11-20 (Released:2021-11-20)

---

音声対話システムがユーザとの関係性を構築・維持するためには、ユーザに対して共感を示すことが重要である。共感を示すためのふるまいとして笑いに着目するが、適切なタイミングで適切な笑いを生成することは高度な対話理解を要する。そこで、本研究ではユーザが先行して笑った場面に限定し、そこでシステムも笑う「共有笑い」の生成に取り組む。提案システムは、(1)ユーザの笑いの検出、(2)システムによる共有笑いの有無の予測、(3)システムの笑いの種類の選択、これら3つのモジュールで構成される。各モジュールの入力は先行するユーザ発話の音響特徴である。著者らが収録したお見合い対話データを用いて各モジュールのモデルを学習した。特に、(2)共有笑いの有無の予測では、ベースライン(ランダム)よりも高い精度で予測できることを確認した。

著者

岡田玉山 著・画

出版者

辻岡文助

巻号頁・発行日

1887

著者

横山 寿世理 金 瑛 柳田 洋夫

雑誌

聖学院大学論叢 = The Journal of Seigakuin University (ISSN:09152539)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.第34巻, no.第1号, pp.147-159, 2021-10-25

---

フランス社会学者モーリス・アルヴァックスの『聖地における福音書の伝説地誌:集合的記憶研究』の序論をここに邦訳する。本書は,聖地パレスチナについての集合的記憶の枠組みが,キリスト教集団において共有されてきたことを実証する研究であった。新約聖書に始まり,数々の文学作品や伝承における聖地の記述がそれぞれ少しずつ異なっても,聖地パレスチナにおいて聖地を特定することで生じる空間的枠組みはほぼ共通していることを示している。 膨大なアルヴァックスの著作に反して,日本では,邦訳された著作が非常に少ない。本翻訳はその一部に過ぎないが,その邦訳作業の一端になることを目指す。