著者

呑海 沙織 赤澤 久弥 大西 賢人 野間口 真裕

出版者

日本図書館研究会

雑誌

図書館界 (ISSN:00409669)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.6, pp.416-423, 2012-03

著者

門間 広明

出版者

早稲田大学大学院文学研究科

雑誌

早稲田大学大学院文学研究科紀要 : 第2分冊 英文学・フランス語フランス文学・ドイツ語ドイツ文学・ロシア語ロシア文化・中国語中国文学 (ISSN:13417525)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.35-45, 2009-02-28

著者

佐藤 翔 サトウ ショウ

出版者

情報科学技術協会

雑誌

情報の科学と技術 (ISSN:09133801)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.51-56, 2013

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電子ジャーナル等の電子リソースの普及に伴い,そのアクセスログに基づいた研究が増えている。本文へのアクセス状況を包括的に示すアクセスログの分析は利用者行動を知る際に役立つものであるが,その目的や意図はログからはわからないため,その他の手法と組み合わせることが有益である。また,引用データとは異なる傾向を示すものとしてビブリオメトリクスの中でも注目されているが,研究評価に用いるには水増しが容易である等の問題もある。日本においては,海外で行なわれているような電子ジャーナルの大規模ログ分析が未だ行なわれていないことが課題である。

著者

早瀬 篤

出版者

京都大学西洋古代哲学史研究室

雑誌

古代哲学研究室紀要 : HYPOTHESIS : The Proceedings of the Department of Ancient Philosophy at Kyoto University (ISSN:0918161X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.44-73, 2004-03-15

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

北嶋 イサイカ

出版者

北海道大学アイヌ・先住民研究センター

雑誌

アイヌ・先住民研究 (ISSN:24361763)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.35-46, 2023-03-01

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アイヌ民族に対する差別は、以前はあからさまな表現であったが、現在は日常に溶け込み、見えにくい言動となった。発言者の意識の有無にかかわらず、マイクロアグレッション(小さな攻撃)がおこり、発言者さえ攻撃をしていると気付かないことがある。また、受け手もその言葉に小さな不満をもつが、それがどの言動なのか分からず、なぜ自分がイライラするのか理解できずに戸惑う場合がある。本稿は、その見えにくい攻撃について、発言者の言葉と受け手について考えられる感情を文字にすることにより視覚化し、どのような表現がマイクロアグレッションに該当するか記述する。 ここではアイヌ民族が受ける小さな攻撃に焦点をあて、第1節では、マイクロアグレッションの概要と3つの分類について述べる。第2節では博物館、第3節では技術講習会でおこるマイクロアグレッションについて、筆者の事例をあげ、考えられる感情について記述し分類する。第4節では博物館と技術講習会でおこるマイクロアグレッションについて考察した。

著者

井上 正仁

出版者

早稲田大学法務教育研究センター

雑誌

早稲田大学法務研究論叢 (ISSN:24321702)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.153-207, 2019-10-01

著者

松﨑 泰 川住 隆一 田中 真理

出版者

東北大学大学院教育学研究科

雑誌

東北大学大学院教育学研究科研究年報 (ISSN:13465740)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.69-86, 2016-06-30

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.1-50, 2022-03

著者

小野寺 五典 廣吉 勝治

出版者

北海道大学水産学部

雑誌

北海道大學水産學部研究彙報 (ISSN:00183458)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.13-29, 1996-03

著者

三輪 吉郎

出版者

長崎大学 東南アジア研究助成会

雑誌

長崎大学東南アジア研究所 研究年報 = Researc Annual Report (ISSN:05471443)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.81-134, 1960-03-31

著者

島田 龍

出版者

立命館大学人文科学研究所

雑誌

立命館大学人文科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:02873303)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, pp.123-167, 2020-12

著者

兵藤 友博

出版者

立命館大学経営学会

雑誌

立命館経営学 = 立命館経営学 (ISSN:04852206)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.6, pp.95-111, 2015-03

著者

櫻井 義秀

出版者

日本脱カルト協会

雑誌

日本脱カルト協会会報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.16-26, 2009

著者

葛西 裕仁

出版者

名古屋大学国際言語文化研究科国際多元文化専攻

雑誌

多元文化 (ISSN:13463462)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.265-279, 2010-03

著者

韓 相允

出版者

東北大学 日本学研究会

雑誌

学際日本研究 = INTERDISCIPLINARY JAPANESE STUDIES (ISSN:24356670)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.3-22, 2021-03-31

著者

中里 理子 Michiko Nakazato

出版者

上越教育大学

雑誌

上越教育大学研究紀要 (ISSN:09158162)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.1-14, 2007-02

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「笑い」の表現には(1)笑い声,(2)笑うときの表情・笑い方,(3)笑うときの姿態,の描写がある。(1)と(2)に関して,中古から近代までのオノマトペの変遷を見てみると,笑い声を表す擬音語も表情・笑い方を表す擬態語も,近世にはすでに現代使われているオノマトペの典型的なものが確立していたことがわかった。笑い声を表す<模写に近いオノマトペ>は近代以後現代に至るまで個性的なオノマトペの工夫が見られるが,笑い声を表す<象徴度の高いオノマトペ.と,笑いの表情・笑い方に関しては,近代になって新たに工夫されたオノマトペはほとんど見られなかった。近代,特に明治期には,笑う表情と笑いの内容に関してオノマトペ以外で描写した表現がさまざま見られるが,これは明治期に正確で細密な描写が目指されたことと関連があり,笑いに関するオノマトペが新たに工夫されなかったことの要因の一つであると考えられる。

著者

木島 泰三

出版者

法政大学文学部

雑誌

法政大学文学部紀要 = Bulletin of the Faculty of Letters, Hosei University (ISSN:04412486)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, pp.41-57, 2021-09-30

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We have previously shown that Spinoza’s conatus can be characterized as divine self-predication. In this article, we argue that the self-reflexive characteristic of divine self-predication provides the foundation for ideas of ideas or reflexive ideas.In the first section, we show a plausible textual basis in Spinoza’s Ethics for our construction on ideas of ideas. From our reading, it follows that everything that has conatus also has reflexive ideas and that all our ideas or mental acts are accompanied by their reflexive ideas. But the latter implication of our interpretation seems to conflict our everyday experience of selective reflection of our mental acts or states. This is the problem that we are concerned with in the following sections.In the second section, we consider François Recanati’s contemporary account on the self-reflexive characteristic inherent in the verbal signs and Arnould’s ― a contemporary of Spinoza ― binary concepts of the explicit reflection and the implicit refection, which Recanati finds offers the basis for accounting how some reflexive ideas are explicit while others implicit.In the third section, we apply their concepts to Spinoza’s theory of ideas of ideas to address our problem.

著者

君塚 正臣

出版者

横浜法学会

雑誌

横浜法学 (ISSN:21881766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.1-36, 2014-12-25

著者

魚住 洋一

出版者

Japanese Association for the Contemporary and Applied Philosophy (JACAP)

雑誌

Contemporary and Applied Philosophy (ISSN:18834329)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.13-30, 2009-11-10

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一九六〇年代後半から、英米においてセックスについての哲学的議論がはじまった。議論されたのは、売買春やレイプ、ポルノグラフィなどだが、それらを問題にするには、「性的」とは一体どういうことかが明らかにされねばならなかった。私はこの論文で、性的行為や性的欲望を巡る初期の議論、とりわけ、ネーゲルやソロモンが行なった「現象学的記述」とゴールドマンやソーブルが行なった「概念分析」の双方の議論を辿りながら、それらの有効性と限界性を見極めようとした。ネーゲルは、サルトルを手掛かりに、二人が互いに相手の興奮を感じて自分もさらに興奮を昂ぶらせていくという「相互人格的認知」を性的行為の規範的なありかたと考え、そうした相互性を欠いた行為を性的倒錯と見做そうとした。しかし、特定の性的行為のありかたの現象学的記述から性的行為の「規範」を短絡的に導き出してしまうところに、彼の問題点があったと思われる。性的行為を感情を伝達する一種のボディ・ランゲージと見做すコミュニケーション・モデルを提唱したソロモンも、彼の立場を受け継ぐ哲学者だが、彼の主張にも、感情を伝達する手段は他にもあるではないかといった多くの問題点がある。ところで、ゴールドマンは、性的欲望を他者との身体接触の快楽を求める欲望と定義する。彼がこうした定義を行なったのは、生殖、愛の表現、コミュニケーション、相互人格的認知などの目的を設定し、セックスをそれらの目的のための手段とする考えを批判するためである。他方ソーブルは、ゴールドマンの定義では、他者との身体接触を求めないマスターベーションが性的行為ではなくなってしまうと指摘し、性的欲望とは一定の快感を求める欲望であると一層単純化して定義するが、今度は性的と見做しうる感覚を特定することが困難になる。彼はそのことを認めつつ、哲学はそれを解明できずその問題を経験的諸学科に委ねなければならないと語る。しかも彼によれば、諸個人が性的な快感をどのように求めるようになるかは、彼/彼女の社会的条件によって異なるのである。これらのことから考えると、現象学的記述も概念分析もともに問題点を含み、性的欲望とは何かとの問いに答えることができるのは、結局は、社会構築主義ではないかというのが私の結論である。

著者

佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1998-03-31

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.