出版者

日経BP社

雑誌

日経トップリーダー

巻号頁・発行日

no.312, pp.37-39, 2010-09

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17歳で上京し、職を転々としながら、業界トップ企業を築いた富士そばの丹道夫社長。独自の経営システムは、その波瀾万丈の人生と密接に関係している。知られざる異色企業家の半生を振り返る。 そば店業界は、バブル期には既に、市場の成熟が指摘されていた分野である。 製法が単純な上、開業資金が少なくて済むなど参入障壁が低いこともあって、戦後、業者が急増。

著者

井手 俊太 月本 光俊 小島 周二

出版者

公益社団法人 日本アイソトープ協会

雑誌

RADIOISOTOPES (ISSN:00338303)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.6, pp.347-357, 2013 (Released:2013-06-28)

参考文献数

9

被引用文献数

1

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ゼオライトやプルシアンブルーに代わる吸着剤として天然に存在する古代貝化石(Ancient Shellfish Fossil,以下ASF)による水中137Csの吸着/除去,動物体内吸収抑制に関する基礎的検討を行った。その結果,ASFの放射性セシウムに対する選択的吸着能が明らかとなった。今後,福島第一原発事故に伴う土壌,焼却灰,汚染水等に含まれる放射性セシウムの吸着・固定さらに,放射能汚染除去作業従事者の人体皮膚表面からの除染への利用を検討する。

著者

佐藤 淳一

出版者

The Japan Association of Sandplay Therapy

雑誌

箱庭療法学研究 (ISSN:09163662)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.5-16, 2013

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心理療法において「死と再生」の象徴過程は心の変容過程として重要なものである。しばしば「死と再生」の概念は,死の体験の後に再生が訪れるという面が注目されがちであるが,そのような過程に必ずしも当てはまらない事例も存在している。そこで本論文は,被虐待経験のある中学生男子との遊戯療法過程を報告し,「死と再生」の概念の再検討を行った。クライエントは自らを「悪」と同一化し,セラピストとの間で激しいちゃんばらを繰り広げ,何度も「死と再生」を演じた。また,動物や人形のフィギュアを箱庭の砂の中に埋める遊びを繰り返した。セラピー過程が進むと,箱庭に墓を立てたり十字架を投げ合うなどして,「死」を弔い,魂を鎮める儀式が行われた。本事例から,「死と再生」のプロセスは,死の体験の後に再生が訪れるというものではなく,むしろ「再生の死」,あるいは「死の再生」という過程が繰り返されること,そしてそのプロセスは弔いや鎮魂のイメージによって完遂されることが示唆された。

著者

鈴木 俊二

出版者

Brewing Society of Japan

雑誌

日本醸造協会誌 (ISSN:09147314)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.658-663, 2016 (Released:2018-08-06)

参考文献数

7

被引用文献数

1

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ワイン用のブドウを夜間に収穫(ナイトハーベスト)すると,より優れた品質のワインが醸造できることが経験的に知られている。ブドウの温度が低いうちに収穫することで低温での原料処理が可能となり,酸化や微生物汚染のリスクを低減できるのがナイトハーベストのメリットだと考えられていた。しかし,筆者らのグループは,近年甲州の香気成分の一つとしても注目されているチオール系香気成分の前駆体に着目し,早朝に前駆体量がピークになることを明らかにしている。ナイトハーベストの意義を香気成分の面から明らかにした興味深い研究成果を解説していただいた。

著者

児山 正史

出版者

弘前大学人文社会科学部

雑誌

人文社会科学論叢 = Studies in the humanities and social sciences (ISSN:24323519)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.229-254, 2018-08-31

著者

副島 恵子 原田 要之助

雑誌

研究報告セキュリティ心理学とトラスト(SPT) (ISSN:21888671)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016-SPT-21, no.11, pp.1-7, 2016-11-10

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大規模な個人情報漏洩事件などが頻発する昨今,情報セキュリティインシデント (以下,インシデントという) 対応を行う CSIRT (Computer Security Incident Response Team) が注目を集めている.本研究では,CSIRT 活動と情報セキュリティマネジメントとの関係を明らかにし,組織の情報セキュリティ向上に寄与する CSIRT 活動のあり方について考察する.

著者

牧迫 飛雄馬 阿部 勉 大沼 剛 島田 裕之

出版者

日本理学療法士学会

雑誌

理学療法学 (ISSN:02893770)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.7, pp.382-388, 2009

参考文献数

12

被引用文献数

1

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【目的】在宅訪問サービスの継続要因および訪問リハビリテーションが要介護高齢者に与える影響について検証することを目的とした。【方法】対象者は,訪問リハビリテーションを利用する要介護高齢者33名(訪問リハ群),および訪問看護または訪問介護を利用しており訪問リハビリテーションを利用していない要介護高齢者13名(非訪問リハ群)とし,3か月間のサービス継続前後で運動機能,生活機能,活動状況の変化を比較した。【結果】30%以上の対象者が3か月後には訪問サービスを中止または終了しており,訪問リハ群では脱落者のvitality indexが継続者よりも有意に低かった。訪問リハ群では運動習慣を有する者が多く,離床時間の増大に対して良好な結果を示した。運動機能や生活機能は,有意な変化を認めなかった。【結論】訪問リハビリテーションの継続には,意欲が関与することが示され,訪問リハビリテーションは運動習慣の確立や離床時間の増大へ良好な影響を与える可能性が示唆された。

著者

馬場 哲治

出版者

一般社団法人映像情報メディア学会

雑誌

映像情報メディア学会誌 : 映像情報メディア (ISSN:13426907)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.8, pp.1163-1168, 1997-08-20

被引用文献数

4

著者

白石 裕子 則包 和也

出版者

香川県立保健医療大学

雑誌

香川県立保健医療大学紀要 (ISSN:13495720)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.117-122, 2004

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Historically, treatments for severe mental illness such as schizophrenia have been thought of as solely a biological preserve. However, over the last decade there have been very positive advances in the development of non-drug or psychosocial treatments. Psychosocial treatments can be divided into three general categories. These are : (1) family intervention ; (2) cognitive-behavioral therapy for psychotic symptoms ; and (3) early monitoring of signs and early intervention. In Particular, cognitive-behavior therapy was first used by Beck in the treatment of depression and over the years has also come to be used in treating a various psychiatric disorders, including obsessive-compulsive disorder and developmental disorders. A number of cognitive-behavioral treatment methods for schizophrenia have been described such as : 1) cognitive therapy with a normalizing rationale, 2) focusing, 3) coping strategies enhancement, 4) comprehensive cognitive-behavioral therapy. In this paper we briefly review recent studies on these methods, their effects and the history of cognitive-behavioral therapy. Furthermore, we examine directions in the practice of cognitive behavior therapy by nurses based on documents from Japan and other countries in order to determine their application to the field of nursing

著者

笠井 美希 瀬尾 幹子 関 圭吾

出版者

日本調理科学会

雑誌

日本調理科学会大会研究発表要旨集 平成29年度大会(一社)日本調理科学会

巻号頁・発行日

pp.56, 2017 (Released:2017-08-31)

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【目 的】家庭における食用油を使用した加熱調理において、酸化しにくく、油臭さが少ないことが望まれている。ごま油は熱に強く、安定性に優れた油といわれており、本研究では、焙煎せずに搾油した精製ごま油(かどや製油㈱)の加熱調理における安定性の評価として、フライ調理に用いた際の安定性、おいしさ等について調べた。【方 法】試料は精製ごま油と家庭で一般的によく使われている食用油3種類(キャノーラ油、サラダ油、大豆油)とした。一定条件下でフライ試験を実施し、フライ油の色、酸価、過酸化物価、カルボニル価、アニシジン価を測定して安定性を比較した。また、フライ調理中の油臭及び揚げ直後と冷めた時のフライの官能評価を実施した。官能評価は7段階尺度の採点法で行った。なお、各試料のCDM試験、アクロレイン濃度の測定も行った。【結 果】精製ごま油は他の食用油3種類と比較して、フライ油の色の着色が若干濃くなる傾向がみられた。揚げ回数による酸価、過酸化物価の値には大差がなかった。油脂の加熱による劣化の指標であるカルボニル価、アニシジン価の値は精製ごま油が最も低値であり、加熱劣化の進行がゆるやかであった。フライ調理中の油臭は精製ごま油が最も弱く、不快感が少なかった。官能評価では、精製ごま油を使用したフライはべたつきが少なく、冷めてもおいしいという評価であった。CDM試験の結果より、精製ごま油は自動酸化に対する安定性も良く、アクロレイン濃度の測定結果からアクロレインの発生量も少ないことがわかった。

著者

長谷川 正国

出版者

早稲田大学法学会

雑誌

早稲田法学会誌 = The Waseda Law Journal (Waseda Hougakukaishi) (ISSN:05111951)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.217-246, 1975-02-20

著者

松本 祥尚 町田 祥弘

出版者

日本監査研究学会

雑誌

現代監査 (ISSN:18832377)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.24, pp.115-125, 2014-03-31 (Released:2017-06-21)

参考文献数

18

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わが国の四半期レビューは,国際レビュー基準やアメリカのレビュー基準と同様に,質問と分析的手続を中心としながらも,最終成果として業務報告書が強制されたり,継続企業の前提への対応が求められたり,といったわが国固有の特徴を有している。本研究では,そうした状況の下,わが国監査人が,実際に,いかなる対象項目にどのような手続を実施し,最終的にいかなる程度の保証水準を確保したと認識しているのかについて,四半期レビューの業務実施者である監査人(公認会計士)を被験者とする実験的調査を実施した。結果として,監査人は,業績の悪い企業では,主に基本的かつ必須の四半期レビュー手続である質問,分析的手続の実施にウェイトを置いているのに対して,業績の良い企業では,四半期レビュー手続を効率化して,実証手続にヨリ多くの監査資源を割いていることが明らかとなった。

著者

渡邉 恵一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.24-45, 2017 (Released:2019-06-30)

被引用文献数

1

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This paper seeks to shed new light on the process by which the modern cane sugar industry in Taiwan came into being and how it became established under Japanese colonial rule. While doing so, the study focusses on the issues involved in shipping raw sugarcane.Taiwan Sugar Manufacturing Company (TSMC), which had developed as a colonial enterprise, planned to become self-sufficient in sugarcane through the use of an extensive company-held plantation. However, in actuality, it continued to rely on purchases from local farmers. Sugarcane is bulky and requires great effort to transport, and the ability to rapidly transport large volumes of sugarcane is critical because the sugar content drops over time after it has been harvested. Hauling sugarcane from farmers in carts pulled by water buffalo to the factory posed a bottleneck for large-scale, continuous production—a characteristic feature of the modern sugar industry.The use of a private steam-powered railway that began operating at the end of 1907 was a goal of TSMC, which, since its founding, had made efforts to gradually improve its sugarcane logistics. These proprietary rail lines integrated the sugarcane production process from harvesting to milling and also contributed to greater profits by improving sugar yields.After the Russo-Japanese War, TSMC continued building its own proprietary rail lines so that it would be able to continue dealing with the problem of rapidly transporting sugarcane from the fields to the factories. The company also successfully undertook the building of an inter-linking transport network among its factories, thus becoming able to adjust sugarcane supply and demand beyond the limitations of the raw-material acquisition zones. TSMC's construction and enhancement of its ground-breaking raw material transport system became a business model for the modern cane sugar industry in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule, thus stimulating growth in the industry overall as other sugar manufacturers copied them.

著者

工藤 章

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.1-26, 1989-10-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

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Generally, the international transfer of technology occurs from a country posessing a high level of technology to one of a lower level. Prior to the Second World War many German technologies were introduced into Japan. There was, however, at least one case where they tried to transfer Japanese technology to Germany. It was the case of Ostasiatische Lurgi-Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung located in Berlin.The company, Ost Lurgi, was established in March 1926 as a joint venture of Mitsubishi Goshi, Metallgesellschaft and Degussa. The initiator of the establishing Ost Lurgi was Fritz Haber, inventer of the Haber Bosch process, who visited Japan in 1924, thought highly of the standard of Japanese technology and originated a number of proposals for technico-industrial cooperation between Germany and Japan. One of his idealistic proposals gave rise to the establishment contract of Ost Lurgi.The purpose of Ost Lurgi was to transfer Japanese technology to Germany. The Shimazdu process for manufacturing battery cells and ship hull paint owned by Shimazdu Works was the only actual proposal as to Japanese technology. Degussa showed an initial interest, but reached a negative conclusion on this. Metallgesellschaft's dissatisfaction with the contract also deepened. As a result, Ost Lurgi was liquidated in December 1931, when the contract was invalidated. Ironically, in June 1932, the patent right for the Shimazdu process was established in the United States, followed by its transfer in France and Great Britain as well as in the United States, but not in Germany. In the light of the present context of booming Japanese direct investment in West Germany, this failed attempt, however, can be seen as a pioneering technico-industrial endevour, from which there is much still to learn.

著者

幸田 亮一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.31-62,ii, 1992-07-30 (Released:2009-11-06)

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This study intends to analyze the initiation of mass production technology and its influence on the machine tool industry in Germany at the end of the 19th century.It is still believed, that at the end of the 19th century, mechanical engineering industry in Germany was technologically far behind as compared with the standard of the USA. The “American system of manufacturing” was often used to emphasize the above notion to prejudge the German machine tool industry. However, it is a question to assess whether the development of the German machine tool industry was far behind than that of America.Even in the USA, the sewing machine, one of the typical product of the “American system, ” was made as a hand-made one at the beginning. Sewing machine builders in the USA introduced its mass production upon interchangeable parts in 1870s, after few years of this change, German also began to intoroduce this system. This pattern was also true for industries like bicycle, fire arm and typewriter.In order to make parts for the above machines, it was inevitable to use new kind of machine tools like milling machine or turret lathe. Although these machines were developed by American engineers in the middle of the 19th century, their commercial production commenced even in the USA in the middle of 1860s. After few years later German machine tool builders also started to copy and improve them.In the stage of developing process of the mass production, the machine tool industry played a “convergent” roll not only in the USA but also in Germany. At the beginning of the 20th century, the German machine tool technologies had been developed significantly in order to compete with the American builders in the world market.

著者

幸田 亮一

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.1-24_1, 1999-03-25 (Released:2010-11-18)

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Factory systems changed drastically around the turn of the 19th to 20th century in the Western countries. In the United States many researchers have analyzed the rise of the new factory system, but in Europe on the contrary there are many issues still unsolved. Not a few researchers still believe that the German factory system at that time was far behind that of America. Actually, however, many contemporary scientists and engineers devoted themselves to solving problems related to machinery, industrial psychology, management and so on. In this paper the historical change of the classic factory system to the new one will be examined in the German machine building industry.The first section deals with the new factory system from the view points of architecture, machinery and administration focusing on the great rolls of engineers. Through their activities traditional workshop management was substituted by a kind of “scientific management”. The second section describes the reduction tendency of working hours from the middle of the 19th century to WW1 and then points out the importance of new time management through introducing the American time-recorder. The third section analyzes the relations between the mass production system and the reduction of working hours by using two survey reports of the German metal workers union in 1911 and 1912. Results of these surveys suggest that there were intimate relations between the two.Factory science was well developed in Germany at that time, and it is reasonable enough to consider those engineers who led efforts before WW1 as forerunners of the German rationalization movement of the 1920s.

著者

岡室 博之

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.59-83, 2003-09-25 (Released:2009-11-06)

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the development of the manufacturer-supplier relationship in the German automotive industry from the 1920s to the 1960s and to examine the continuity (or discontinuity) between the prewar and postwar periods. There has been no detailed historical research on this topic, though the German experience forms an interesting contrast to the American and the Japanese cases.Using original documents mainly from the DaimlerChrysler Archive and focusing on Daimler-Benz, I found that the postwar manufacturer-supplier relationship is quite different from that of the prewar period. While an arm's-length relationship was dominant in the prewar period, with frequent replacement of suppliers and little cooperation on the part of manufacturers, though often concentrating a whole order for a part on a sole supplier, the postwar relationship is more stable and characterized by intensive mutual commitment, with a clear trend to the two-vendor policy.An important turning point in the evolution of the manufacturer-supplier relationship can be found in the wartime economy. Under serious pressures of economic regulation and military production, Daimler-Benz provided suppliers with continuous support and instruction and introduced cooperative product design with selected suppliers. There are reasons to believe that these wartime experiences are related to the postwar development.However, a more direct reason for the postwar changes lies in the new economic environment and experiences in the postwar period, especially the serious shortage of production materials as well as delivery and quality problems of suppliers, combined with the drastic increase in demand for cars. Carmakers had to secure a sufficient parts supply and required the suppliers to keep a large production capacity with enormous capital investment for a longer term, which led necessarily to a stable manufacturer-supplier relationship with mutual commitment.

著者

石崎 亜美

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.3-25, 2015 (Released:2018-03-30)

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This paper aims to examine the brand marks of the soy sauce shipped to Edo city by the Takanashi family (now known as Kikkoman Corporation) in Noda town, and clarify aspects of the Takanashi family's soy sauce brands.The Yamasa Corporation had basically two brand marks during the Edo, Meiji, and Taisho eras. It seems other soy sauce breweries also had few brand marks. Therefore, there has been no study that focuses on brand marks. Meanwhile, the investigation into the Takanashi family clarified they shipped more than ten brand marks for a year during the late Edo era, and shipped 66 brand marks for a year during the Tenpou era. Few soy sauce breweries had as many brand marks as the Takanashi and Mogi families (the Mogi family is related to the Takanashi family). It seems the large number of brand marks is one of their characteristics. Therefore, we identify the differences in their brand marks and explain the reasons for the many brand marks.The prices of the Takanashi family's brands were classified into between three and five categories; the differences in price denoted the quality of raw materials, mixture proportion and quality of unrefined soy sauce. Particularly, they blended unrefined soy sauces that had different ripeness characteristics. This led to the Takanashi family having many brands. Moreover, there were brand marks called tezirushi (hand marks). Tezirushi were sold individually to wholesalers; they were wholesalers' possessive marks. Tezirushi were made by request for wholesalers, and there were instances where different tezirushi contained the same contents. The reason the wholesalers requested tezirushi was that they wanted to differentiate their sauce from other wholesalers. In conclusion, the many brands of the Takanashi family were an expression of their business policy they tried to meet customer needs, which was one of the factors they had maintained, and increase sales in Edo city market.

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.50-82, 2015 (Released:2018-01-23)

著者

二階堂 行宣

出版者

経営史学会

雑誌

経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.4_3-4_24, 2015 (Released:2017-11-10)

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This paper aims to grasp the Japanese government railways' freight operations during the interwar period as an integrated ‘transportation system’, and clarify how it was formed and developed. The ‘transportation system’ here means an integration of policies and measures adopted for freight operations. The analysis covers even the role of individual managers who contributed to freight business reforms, corresponding appropriately to different circumstances at each stage of business procedure.The government railways' freight organization was composed of traditionally separated‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors, and the former was divided into two: the ‘transportation’ division in charge of train operations, and the ‘wagon distribution’ division in charge of distributing empty wagons and collecting loaded ones. After the 1907 railway nationalization, the new government railways badly needed a nation-wide unified freight system. Moreover, rapid growth of demand due to the boom during the WWI urgently required efficient use of transport capacity. However, the ‘line’ sector hardly coped with the changing circumstances in the 1910s, despite some improvements in ‘staff’ sector. In particular, wagon distribution was controlled by old managers of former private railways, continuing decentralized operations.The 1919 transportation disruption revealed the defects of the old system, and establishing a truly centralized system became the most urgent challenge. Finally, the new Wagon Distribution Division was founded under the Transportation Department of the Ministry of Railways, and skilled experts were called to Tokyo to serve the new headquarters. Frequent adjustments and clear transportation planning were made possible by this reform. Ryukichi Nakayama, an eminent bureaucrat of the Railway Ministry, led the entire reform process and served as the first chief of the new division.Through this reform, a centralized wagon distribution system was established, leading to clear separation of ‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors, and from this time onward, the rail freight‘transportation system’ at each period was shaped through cooperation and occasional confrontation between the newly established ‘line’ and ‘staff’ sectors.