著者
芦部 彰
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.123, no.4, pp.569-593, 2014-04-20

Explaining the features and historical developments of social policy in the Federal Republic of Germany, focusing on Catholicism during the 1950s, is indispensable due to the influence of Catholicism on various aspects of politics and society at that time. That influence is also evident in the housing policy implemented at the time. Within the framework of social housing, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) gave priority in the second Housing Act of 1956 to the construction of privately owned single family dwellings, each with an adjacent garden and barn. To explain the conceptual foundations of this policy, the author focuses on politician Paul Lucke, the CDU's chief housing policy-maker, and the Catholic intellectuals around him. First, Lucke and his colleagues designed the housing policy based on the idea of enabling the private ownership of land and houses among a broad strata of the population, based on the Catholic social teaching that private ownership is regarded as the basis of an autonomous personality. Through this policy, they aimed at resisting the collectivism of East Germany that created, in their words, the "impersonal masses". Secondly, Lucke's group conceptualized the houses they envisioned as "Familienheim", thereby incorporating Catholic views of family into their housing policy; to wit, private property enables the patriarch to rule his family and protect them against the threat of intervention by the state. Finally, Lucke's group emphasized the value of self-help in the process of housing construction. That is to say, they regarded the construction of one's own home as practicing the kind of self-help promoted in Catholic social teaching. Considering these policy features, the author concludes that the CDU's housing policy was based on principles derived from Catholic social doctrine. Relative to other housing reform concepts, the CDU opposed reformers who sought to create new social ties in urban areas through the promotion of new types of collective dwelling plans; and garnering support from reformers critical of metropolises, it promoted housing rooted in the soil. From the above urban reform perspective, the CDU's housing policy could be assessed as conservative; however, given the characteristics of those Catholic social teachings that reject socialist or collectivist avenues to social reform and attempt to find a path guided by the Catholic concept of personality, the CDU's housing policy should rather be viewed as pursuing social reform through Catholic perspectives.
著者
須田 正巳
出版者
公益社団法人 日本栄養・食糧学会
雑誌
栄養と食糧 (ISSN:18838863)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.331-336, 1977-12-05 (Released:2009-11-16)
参考文献数
9
著者
中屋 宏隆 河﨑 信樹
出版者
關西大学經済學會
雑誌
関西大学経済論集 = Economic review of Kansai University (ISSN:04497554)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.2, pp.197-215, 2014-09

ドイツは、2011年に脱原発を再び宣言した。日本では、その政策実現に向けた動向が注目されている。また、多くの研究文献でも、ドイツの脱原発の動きは検討されており、本稿では、そうした研究史の吸収に加え、これまであまり検討されて来なかったドイツの原子力発電のエネルギー政策上の意義を考察するための研究材料を整理することを目的としている。その結果、ドイツはかつて十分に原発大国と言える状況に陥っていたという事実とドイツのエネルギー政策の中での原子力発電の役割を再検討する必要性が明らかになった。
著者
大嶋 えり子
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_290-1_309, 2014

The memories of French Algeria and the Algerian war of independence had been forgotten by French government for decades. Since the 1990's, however, monuments, laws and speeches began recognising memories related to that period. This article aims to understand why this change occurred. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;First, we will delve into the French context and examine how the memories of the Holocaust have been connected with those related to Algeria. The 1990's have also been a period during which immigrants became a "problem": the "integration" of immigrants appeared as a solution. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Secondly, we will study the case of the Cité Nationale de l'Histoire de l'Immigration, a museum devoted to the past of immigrants. By doing so, we will be able to understand that the recognition of memories does not necessarily involve the recognition of identities and that French government attempts to promote integration by recognising the memories of immigrants.
著者
池田 亮
出版者
関西外国語大学
雑誌
研究論集 (ISSN:03881067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.100, pp.183-204, 2014-09

従来、第三世界における冷戦は、主に米ソ冷戦の観点から研究されてきた。その中でヨーロッパ宗主国は、米ソが植民地解放と新興国の国家建設に協力する中、勢力の後退を強いられる存在として描かれてきた。しかし本稿は、旧宗主国が現在でも旧植民地で一定の影響力を保っており、かつアメリカにとっても冷戦の遂行上、重要な同盟国であったことに注目する。事例としては、フランスによるモロッコの独立承認と、スエズ危機におけるイギリスの対エジプト攻撃を取り上げ、両国の動機を検討する。それによって、第三世界における脱植民地化への英仏の対応は、冷戦政策の側面をも持っていたことを指摘する。それぞれの決定は、モロッコと中東のアラブ諸国が、中立主義を選択するのを防ぐためになされた。それらの国を西側陣営に留め置き、重要な資源を安価に供給させ、自国の資本主義経済の繁栄を維持することが、宗主国、特にイギリスの目的であったと考えられる。
著者
山中 仁美
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2014, no.175, pp.175_14-175_26, 2014

This article explores how the theories and concepts of 'nationalism' were incorporated into the newly introduced study of International Relations (IR) in Britain, arguing that scholars' theoretical attempts to limit the 'hostility of nationalism' eventually gave way to the empirical reality of international politics during the inter-war period. It will focus on a report by a research group at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), whose official aim was to provide a 'scientific examination' of the contemporary developments of nationalism that had dominated Europe since the end of the nineteenth century and were believed to 'threaten the very future of civilisation'.<br>During the inter-war years, nationalism was heavily criticised as being a regressive political ideology deemed to be a decisive factor of war. Its dramatic growth became a major issue for the IR academics who were studying the bankruptcy of internationalism. They decided to initiate a collective, comprehensive, and scientific study of nationalism within the newly established London think tank. The debate adopted an early modernist and functionalist approach to the concept of nation and national identity with a historical perspective on the stages of nationalism as an account of the economic and social developments of the nation and nationality. At first, the members of the research group sought to provide a theoretical perspective on the limitation of nationalism. As the international situation became increasingly tense, however, they came to accept the concept of nation and nationalism as a fact, no longer assuming that nation states would disappear nor that nationalism should be condemned as the sole cause of discontent and instability.<br>The group's theoretical studies were highly responsive to the challenges of a deteriorating international environment and theory was gradually reconciled with the empirical reality of international politics. This will defend a historically sensitive approach to the classification of international theories during this period of crisis, avoiding reducing a broader political and social debate to the ahistorical utopian-realism dichotomy of the 'First Great Debate'. Special attention needs to be paid to a wide variety of institutional settings and collective studies that gave rise to the substantive debates on international affairs in inter-war Britain marking a sharp contrast with the situation in the US where IR debates mainly took place in the academic circles of Political Science.