- 著者
-
高橋 宏幸
- 出版者
- 京都大学
- 雑誌
- 西洋古典論集 (ISSN:02897113)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.16, pp.9-38, 1999-08-31
この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This paper attempts to treat the nature of Livy's historiography by observing his use of an exemplum in Ap. Claudius' speech in Bk. 5. In his speech(5. 3. 1-6. 17) intended to advocate that the siege of Veii be continued in winter, a tactic never adopted before, Appius refers to the Trojan war to the effect of contrast ; the Romans are reluctant to besiege Rome's archenemy within her sight while all of Greece crossed lands and seas to sack Troy for one women's sake. This exemplum turns out to be ironical in the course of the narrative, for there are similarities between the Veientan war and the Fall of Troy ; fought for ten years(405-396 BC) ; conditions of Fall prophesied(15.1-12 ; 16.8-11 ; 19.1 ; 21.8-9) ; tactics for breakthrough(19.10-11, 21.10-13) ; urbs opulentissima and troubles about dealing out the booty(20.1-10, 21.14-15, 22.1-2, 8) ; Camillus praying like Achilles when forced into exile because of praeda Veientana(5. 32. 8-9).Since for a Roman in 403 BC to use a mythological example is unimaginable and Appius never predicts the analogy between the two wars, the exemplum should be appreciated in literary or narrative terms : its function seems to highlight the analogy for the readers. If so, however, it is remarkable that there is one missing point in the Veientan war : woman as cause of war. This aspect could have been most appealing to Livy's readers, seeing that (1) Helen as causa belli is almost a literary cliche(Hor. Ep. 1. 2. 9 ; Prop. 2. 3. 35-36 ; Ov. Am. 2. 12. 17-18, A. A. 3.253-54 ; cf. Verg. A. 6.93, 11.479f.), evoking the image of Cleopatra, that (2) una mulier, the phrase used there, is highly impressive, as appearing in Enn. Trag. v. 47 apud Cic. Div. 1.114(=Cassandra's prophesy about Helen), Cir. Clu. 15(quot. Quintil. Inst. Or. 4. 2. 105)(=Sassia), Cael. 47, 51(=Clodia), and Prop. 4. 6. 65(=Cleopatra), and that (3) 'all troubles began with a woman'(1. 46. 7) is a recurrent motif in Bks. 1-4 : Lavinia(1. 2. 1-6), the Sabine women(1. 9. 1-13.5), Tullia ? Lucretia(1.46ff.), Veturia(2. 40. 5-9), Verginia(3.44ff.), and the maid of Ardea(4. 9. 1-11)(also cf. Fabia minor(6. 34. 5-11)).Livy assigns Appius the role of orator speaking for the interests of the senate, his first speech suggesting that the senators break the power of the plebeian tribunes through the veto of their colleagues(4. 48. 4-10), his second (which includes the exemplum) also countering the tribunes' move as Livy introduces him as an equal opponent to them with reference to the first speech (5. 2. 13-14, 7. 1), and his third claiming that the money captured at Veii go to the treasury when Camillus referred the matter of booty to the senate.Appius' intention, however, is for the good of the whole nation and not to suppress the plebs as he himself says in his fourth speech(6. 40. 5). His third speech loses to P. Licinius', but this loss turns out to be crucial to the fortune of Camillus, that is, of Rome. Licinius looks like a good arbitrator, the first military tribune elected from the plebs, bringing an end to the serious trouble caused by the tribunes(5. 12. 7-9, 12-13), and elected again without his seeking office as the senate had no objection(5. 18. 1). His opinion that whoever wants a share in the spoils get to the camp at Veii, however, intended to conciliate the plebs with the gift, made the senate plebeian(5. 20. 10). Due to those first seeds of greed sown by this conciliation Camillus incurs people's hatred(5. 22. 1-2, 23. 8-12), and finally he, the only human aid against the Gauls, goes into exile (5. 32. 7-9). Another cause of people's hate against Camillus is linked to Appius' first speech ; Camillus openly rebuked the plebs and the senate for doing away with the veto of the tribunes(5. 29. 6). It looks as if the action and hardship of Camillus were to prove that the words of Appius had been pointing in the right direction.His second speech is parallel with Camillus' at the end of Bk. 5 in form and content, and here I would call attention to the incidents after each speech, the news of the disaster at Veii and the voice of a centurion accepted as an omen, which not just decided the matter but inspired the Romans to do more than restore the loss caused by the fire. The news from Veii and its consequences are, however, depicted as sudden and unexpected happenings with the voluntary actions on the part of the knights and the plebs followed by the senate (5. 7. 1, 4, 6), whereas to the centurion's voice, opportune emissa, the senate took the immediate action of se accipere omen, to which the plebs gives a simultaneous approval(5. 55. 1-2).It would be helpful here to compare two other divine voices appearing in Bk. 5 : Iuno Regina and Aius Locutius. It is a mere rumor that a voice of the goddess was heard to say she would be pleased when moved from Veii to Rome, but, at the same time it is the tradition accepted among the Romans (accepimus) that she was transferred as easily as if she just followed(5. 22. 5-6). The negligence of the voice which warned against the Gauls(5. 32. 6-7) was costly to the Romans ; after regaining Rome they make atonement and dedicate a temple to the new god(5. 50. 5, 51. 7, 52. 11). These episodes seem to stress an active recognition of celestial voices as critically important to the welfare of Rome.Now the passage from Ennius quoted of una mulier may be also helpful ; Cassandra's prophesy about Helen was never believed. In this respect it is, I think, suggestive that the rejection by the senate of Appiu's opinion in his third speech marked the first step to Rome's downfall ; his voice also sounds like what they should listen to. We may find a similar function in the exemplum. 'A woman as cause of war', though one missing point in the analogy between the two wars, should have been strikingly appealing to Livy's readers, then it could be a signal for them to listen to as a warning against a woman like Cleopatra. This is surely out of the immediate context, but it accords with the nature of the omen, κληδων, with a meaning which depends on the person who is to receive it, no matter what sense the speaker intended.