著者

尹 青青

出版者

中央大学

巻号頁・発行日

2021

---

【学位授与の要件】中央大学学位規則第4条第1項【論文審査委員主査】材木谷 敦(中央大学文学部教授)【論文審査委員副査】飯塚 容(中央大学文学部教授),山下 一夫(慶応義塾大学理工学部教授)

著者

倉科 岳志

出版者

イタリア学会

雑誌

イタリア学会誌 (ISSN:03872947)

巻号頁・発行日

no.58, pp.109-129, 2008-10-19

---

Questo lavoro intende chiarire lo svolgimento immanente del pensiero di Croce dal 1902 al 1909 e il significato storico della Filosofia dello Spirito, completata attraverso le tre opere filosofiche, Estetica come scienza dell'espressione e linguistica generale (nelle prime tre edizioni), Logica come scienza del concetto puro (nelle prime due edizioni) e Filosofia della pratica. Economia e Etica. A tale scopo, si esaminano dal punto di vista filologico le modifiche esistenti tra le diverse edizioni: precisando l'ordine cronologico delle opere e confrontandolo con i carteggi e i Taccuini del lavoro, la ricerca si soffermera sui rapporti teorici tra gli scritti filosofici. In primo luogo, per mettere in rilievo con prospettive piu ampie l'importante ruolo di queste opere filosofiche nell'attivita culturale di Croce, si intende descrivere il nesso tra la Filosofia dello Spirito e le altre pubblicazioni (collana "Classici della filosofia moderna" e La Critica. Rivista di letteratura, storia e filosofza). In secondo luogo, si intende notare una <<modificazione di concetto>> confrontando le due edizioni dell'Estetica (1902 e 1904) con i Lineamenti di una logica come scienza del concetto puro (1905). Nei Lineamenti la <<natura>> coincide con l'atto spirituale, mentre nelle prime due edizioni dell'Estetica essa e collocata al di fuori dello Spirito. Fu la lettura critica di Hegel del 1905 ad indurre Croce a rifiutare il positivismo, a negare il concetto di <<natura>> e a inglobarlo nello Spirito umano. In terzo luogo, si vuole evidenziare l'elaborazione del sistema filosofico che emerge nelle varianti riscontrabili tra Riduzione della Filosofia del diritto alla Filosofia dell'economia (1907) e la Filosofia della pratica (1909). In queste due opere, Croce intende spiegare il dinamismo della storia tramite la Filosofia dello Spirito, che vorrebbe sostituire al positivismo. Nella Riduzione si sofferma sulla storia dell'attivita giuridica, sostenendo che <<non rientra in quella della scienza [...] ma nella storia della politica e della civilta>>, concepisce, poi, l'attivita giuridica come l'azione <<pratica che e per se ne morale ne immorale>>, azione che tutti gli uomini compiono non solo nei confronti delle leggi dello Stato, ma anche nei confronti di ogni altra regola, ad esempio il galateo, il codice cavalleresco e persino quello della mafia. Questa attivita e costituita dalla <<volizione>> umana, concetto approfondito nella Filosofia della pratica, con l'esame del quale Croce perfeziona la filosofia dello Spirito e sottolinea che <<nessun sistema filosofico e definitivo, perche la Vita, essa, non e mai definitiva>>. Per ultimo si rilevano i cambiamenti nella terza edizione dell'Estetica (1908) e nella seconda della Logica (1909). Visto che queste due opere vennero corrette dopo la Filosofia della pratica, le correzioni furono influenzate dal sistema filosofico allargato, un sistema che, risolvendo i nuovi problemi della Vita, andrebbe rinnovato ininterrottamente. Mentre nell'Estetica il filosofo napoletano modifico solo alcune parti importanti, decise invece di <<scrivere da capo>> la seconda edizione della Logica: per proporre una filosofia piu efficace e sostituire il positivismo individuando la realta nel modo concreto e universale, doveva infatti spostare il ruolo della storia nella filosofia dello Spirito. La storia, che intorno al 1905 era considerata <<intuizione intellettuale>> posta tra l'arte e la filosofia, venne ridefinita nel 1909 come <<concetto puro>> ormai allontanato dall'arte e identificato con la filosofia. Croce defini l'attivita intellettuale come <<concetto puro>> che evidenzia la realta concreta e universale e le scienze naturali come <<edifizi di pseudoconcetti>> ai quali manca la realta. Gia nel 1901 Croce, confessando il motivo fondamentale del suo studio, sostenne che <<se il linguaggio e il primo momento dello spirito, [...] non si puo sperare d'intendere bene le frasi posteriori e piu complicate, quando il primo e piu semplice resta mal noto, mutilato, sfigurato>>. Cosi, mentre nella prima edizione dell'Estetica difendeva l'autonomia dell'<<intuizione>>, piu tardi concepi non solo una teoria sulla lingua come formazione spirituale, ma anche un sistema filosofico, basato sullo Spirito umano, capace di sostituire il positivismo e costruire un presupposto per le altre scienze particolari. Tuttavia per i giovani lettori, la figura di Croce e il suo sistema filosofico si configuravano come una nuova autorita. Pertanto, in questa prospettiva, e considerando il dissenso delle nuove generazioni, sara opportuno definire la storia intellettuale dei primi anni del Novecento come il periodo dell'egemonia culturale di Croce.

著者

宮奥 美行

出版者

日本味と匂学会

雑誌

味と匂誌 (ISSN:13404806)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.2, pp.157-164, 2018-05-30

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1

---

カレーのおいしさを構成する要素は、だし、油脂、スパイス・カレーパウダー等の香辛料である。カレーパウダーは、複数のスパイスから構成される。混合後熟成することで、単品スパイスを混合しただけのものとは異なり、カレー製品の香味を増強する役目を持つ。油脂は、その存在状態が変化することで、香味の感じ方を複雑にする。日本における一般的なカレーでは、具在に肉、じゃがいも、人参、玉葱を使用するが、家庭での煮込み及び調理後の時間経過により、具材が、カレー・ソースの成分や状態変化を引き起こし、おいしさに変化をもたらす。

著者

塩沢 裕仁

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.502-463, 2016-03

---

关于被称为"天下第一关"的函谷关,现在正在维修的遗迹有两处,即灵宝市王垜村的秦函谷关和新安县城关镇的汉函谷关。此前曾对这两处遗迹进行过多次研究调查,但是自2010 年度开始对人类文化研究机构的关野贞大陆调查资料进行研究调查,在分析《支那文化史迹》所载的旧照片时,发现其地形与这两处遗迹的地形明显不同。而且,通览文献史料,可以推测旧照片中看到的函谷关可能是修筑在黄河沿岸、清代又重修的魏函谷关的遗存。但是,其所在和遗迹此前没有得到确认。在此,通过自2013 年度开始的科学研究费课题"对前近代中国交通道路和关津的环境史学研究"的实地调查,在证实上述推测的同时,确定了遗迹的所在。而且,该研究课题通过对潼关的遗迹研究调查,搞清了潼关在曹魏以前被称为桃林塞和函谷关等,其关塞在随着时代的变化而移动。另一方面,2012 年洛阳市文物考古研究院在对新安函谷关遗迹的发掘调查中,发现了战国时期的道路遗构,弄清了当地在战国时期也发挥着重要的作用。本研究可以理解包括潼关在内的4 处函谷关遗迹,加上在往往忽略的《水经注》等文献史料中,把新安至潼关一带统称为函谷。因为函谷关位于长安与洛阳之间,这个名字在历史上频繁出现。因此,要认识到不同时代建造的关塞及其所在地各不相同,如果不在准确把握把哪个函谷关遗迹作为自己研究对象的基础上展开讨论,那么其研究就是纸上谈兵。因此,本文以谋求对函谷关认识的更新和共享为着眼点,尝试公开4 处函谷关遗迹的现状以及在实地调查中收集到的信息,进而探讨从中发现的问题点。

著者

土屋 博政

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.27-147, 2001

---

This paper deals with the first half of Clay MacCauley's superinten-dence of the Unitarian Mission to Japan (1890-1900), the second period in its overall history (1887-1923). Our theme is : "Why could not the Unitarians increase their members in Japan?" As my last paper showed, Arthur May Knapp and other Unitarian missionaries were all welcomed by leading Meiji figures. Fukuzawa Yukichi, Kaneko Kentaro and other eminent people offered them every convenience to spread their liberal movement. Their future looked full of promise. Knapp and MacCauley were convinced that their religion would prevail among intellectuals and the upper classes in the very near future. Knapp considered himself `a man with an Empire on his hands'. After Knapp left Japan for health reasons toward the end of 1890, however, the Mission began to grow less rapidly than had been expect-ed. Why? There were several reasons, both external and internal. From the second decade of the Meiji era (1877-), Japanese increas-ingly came to accept the principle that the Emperor occupied a special position in the nation. An important turning point in attitudes to the West came with the failure of attempts at revision of the unequal treaties in 1888. In the Meiji Constitution of 1889 the Emperor granted his people limited political rights, but the Imperial Rescript on Educa-tion of 1890 emphasized the duty of loyalty to the throne. There was a reaction against Christianity and things western. As a result, the Japanese people stopped imitating the West and searched for a culture which was distinctly Japanese. At the outset Unitarianism fitted in well with the atmosphere of "nationalism", because the Unitarians respected Japanese culture and religions. In fact, Knapp was surprisingly successful in his first few years. According to Fenollosa, `The marvel of his success is stated when I say that in less than two years he alone has accomplished far more with the upper classes than a large corps of evangelical mission-aries have been able to do in thirty.' Nonetheless, the reaction against Western ideas went further than Knapp and MacCauley had anticipated. As events moved toward the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), Kaneko and other leading intellectuals began to disassociate themselves from the Unitarians. To ordinary Japanese the Unitarian movement belonged to Christianity after all, however liberal it might look. There were two major internal factors which prevented the Unitar-ians from flourishing : problems connected with MacCauley's personal-ity and leadership, and problems connected with the organization of the Mission itself. It was reported that "Knapp was able to secure the cooperation of influential Japanese, but MacCauley was not." Mac-Cauley was not so much a leader as a lone thinker, who was poor at communicating his ideas clearly to his co-workers. Soon after Knappwent home, MacCauley's clumsy handling of Kato Satori, the first Japanese Unitarian minister, led to the latter's withdrawal. In Knapp's view, "MacCauley was lacking in the diplomatic ability" to cope with Kato's problem. He also mentioned MacCauley's "almost morbid sensi-tiveness in regard to the dignity and responsibility of his position." Some influential members left the Mission after this incident. When contemplating the problems the Mission had as an organiza-tion, we must consider three aspects : finance, policy, and the liberal nature of Unitarianism itself. As far as the finance was concerned, the problem was straightforward. Since the American Unitarian Associa-tion was very small, it did not have sufficient funds to support the Japan Unitarian Association. If mission funds had been more abundant, the Mission might have been able to spread its net wider and win more supporters. The Unitarian missionaries had their own policies regarding mission work. First, they relied heavily on mission literature. It is true that their magazine and tracts were "very active, effective missionaries", but MacCauley's dependence on literature alone was not effective in keep-ing members within the circle. MacCauley underestimated the emo-tional dimensions of religious faith. It is well known that not only rituals, but also ornamental images and music are very helpful to keep faith alive. This was as true of religion in Japan as elsewhere. The Unitarians tended to be too intellectual, even for the intellectuals who were their targets. Unitarian models were absolutely necessary. Because of his sociable nature, Knapp was a living example to the Japanese of what Unitarian faith entailed. We find the following statement in The Japan Weekly Mail : "Mr. Knapp is himself a type of the faith he professes. Tolerant,liberal, genial, and highly cultured, he is precisely the sort of man to appeal to the refined and critical tendencies of the educated Japanese." MacCauley, however, failed to be a good model of Unitarianism since he preferred not to associate with the upper classes and intellectual leaders. Without Knapp, therefore, the Unitarian Mission lost much of its appeal. Secondly, Unitarian policy concerning the incorporation of other religions, especially Buddhism, turned out to be ambiguous. According to MacCauley, there were two kinds of opinion among American Unitarians ; "those which have been formed through the relations of Unitarians to historic Christianity and those which have resulted from free philosophic and scientific speculation upon many of the problems confronting human life." According to the first class of opinion, Unitar-ians were Christians. The second class of opinion saw Unitarians as philosophic theists, scientific moralists, and students who were sympa-thetic with all the forms of religion. Conservative Unitarians favored the former opinion and many radical Unitarians the latter, but Mac-Cauley was a middle-of-the roader. He professed himself a Christian, yet he was also willing to admit that Japanese Unitarians did not necessarily have to be Christians. His position caused confusion both within the Mission and outside. Liberal Christians such as Universalists and members of the Fukyu Fukuin Kyokai (General Evangelical Church) had no hostility to Buddhism, but hesitated to cooperate with the Unitarians because they were unwilling to compromise their Chris-tian identity. On the other hand, only a few Buddhists joined the Mission because there were some important Buddhist teachings which were incompat-ible with Unitarian beliefs. For example, Buddhists usually have nofaith in God the Father or in the immortality of the soul. The Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were exceptions, because of the stress placed on faith in the vow of Amida. Members of these schools found it less difficult in accept Unitarian teachings. It is no wonder that such leaders as Saji Jitsunen and Nakanisi Usio belonged to the Jodo-Shin school. However, the Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were only minority Buddhist groups in Japan. The liberal nature of Unitarianism itself caused some difficulties in Japan. As a critic said, "Unitarianism flourishes as a parasite on other bodies when their vitality is low." When standing alone, it could hardly walk. The chief reason why Unitarianism as Christian liberalism did not take root in Japan lay in the fact that it did not require people to leave their previous faiths and actually become formal members. Christians dissatisfied with more orthodox forms of Christians were potential customers, but there were very few such people in Japan. Unitarianism might therefore have broadened the minds of some Christians, but it rarely led complete unbelievers to liberal Christianity. The liberalism of Unitarianism also made it difficult for the Mission to develop a distinct identity. In the U.S. the radicals of the A.U.A. established their own group, the Free Religious Association. They rejected the word "Christian" from their statement of principles as too narrowing ; broadening out still more, they even expunged the word "theistic" and were ready to include agnosticism. In 1896 the Japan Unitarian Association came to resemble this radical offshoot, conse-quently the A.U.A. halved their financial aid. Previously, in 1893 the Association's Jiyu Shin Gakko (School for Liberal Theology) was only able to attract new students by waiving entrance and tuition fees, since so few students were willing to study Unitarianism.As is generally known, Fukuzawa, Kaneko, and other leaders suppor-ted the Mission in various ways. But none of them joined it. Three professors at Keio University, Garrett Droppers (Dutch Reformed) , W. J. Liscomb (Baptist) and J. H. Wigmore (Episcopal), had come to Japan to help the Mission. Although they were in full agreement withUnitarianism, none of them actually became Unitarians, or attendedUnitarian services on Sunday. Why did they do so? The reason wassimple : because they did not have to. MacCauley had claimed thatUnitarianism should not be a sect but a movement. Its mission to Japanwas just to spread a liberal faith. Membership figures were not thecentral concern.

著者

松山 辰郎

出版者

一般社団法人情報処理学会

雑誌

情報処理 (ISSN:04478053)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.7, pp.p664-674, 1977-07-15

著者

松井 健

出版者

日本福祉大学

雑誌

現代と文化 : 日本福祉大学研究紀要 (ISSN:13451758)

巻号頁・発行日

no.123, pp.123-155, 2011-06-30

著者

山地 哲也

出版者

公益社団法人日本オペレーションズ・リサーチ学会

雑誌

オペレーションズ・リサーチ : 経営の科学 (ISSN:00303674)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.11, pp.646-651, 1996-11-01

著者

中嶋 眞澄

出版者

鹿児島国際大学

雑誌

鹿児島経済論集 (ISSN:13460226)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.147-164, 2006-12

---

The following asymptotic formula of Euler's Gamma function; [numerical formula] is well-known: [numerical formula] But there seems to be no rigorous proof of it using the saddle point method as far as the author knows, although there are some rigorous proofs using Euler-Maclaurin's summation formula or Poisson's summation formula and so on. In this short paper we will give a rigorous proof of it using the saddle point method as well as a rigorous proof of [numerical formula] by using the same method.

著者

渡辺 侑子

出版者

神戸市外国語大学

雑誌

神戸外大論叢 (ISSN:02897954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.7, pp.171-177, 2003-12-25

著者

駒井 智幸

出版者

日本甲殻類学会

雑誌

Crustacean research (ISSN:02873478)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.59-72, 1996-12-20

---

函館湾,和歌山および熊本県天草松島から採集された標本に基づき,ホンヤドカリ属の1新種pagurus nigrofasciaを記載した.本種は,北アメリカ西岸に分布するP.samuelis(Stimpson,1857),P.hirsutiusculus(Dana,851),P.venturensis Coffin,1957,および日本を含む西部北太平洋温帯域に分布するP.filholi De Man,1887(ホンヤドカリ)に近縁であると考えられるが,いくつかの形態的特徴と色彩により容易に識別される.本新種は函館湾では周年にわたり潮間帯岩礁で普通にみられるが,他の産地では冬から初春にかけて出現するのみである.また,これまでの本邦各地における調査にも関わらず,本新種が採集されたのは上記の3カ所だけであった.Stimpson(1858)が,函館湾からP.hirsutiusculusとして記録したものが実際には本新種であった可能性があるが,標本はシカゴ大火災の際に失われたものと考えられ,現在では確認できない.標本に基づいたP.hirsutiusculusの本邦における記録は,stimpson(1858)の他にはYokoya(1933)による津軽海峡の水深110mからの採集記録があるが,Yokoyaの標本は採集水深が探すぎ,P.hirsutiusculusとも本新種とも異なるものと考えられる.最近の文献においても,本邦におけるP.hirsutiusculusの分布は現在のところ確認されていない.文献の記録に基づき,P.hirsutiusculusにはエゾホンヤドカリという和名が与えられてきたが,エゾホンヤドカリの分類学的位置を決定するのは現時点では不可能であり,本新種には新称ヨモギホンヤドカリを提唱する.

著者

五嶋 聖治 和田 哲 大森 寛史

出版者

日本甲殻類学会

雑誌

Crustacean research (ISSN:02873478)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.86-92, 1996-12-20

被引用文献数

13

---

ごく最近,新種として記載されたヨモギホンヤドカリの分布と繁殖生態を,模式産地近くの函館湾葛登支の潮間帯において調べた.本種は潮間帯上部の潮線付近の転石域にパッチ状に分布し,季節的移動は見られない.4月から5月にかけて,雄が産卵直前の雌が入っている貝殻をはさみ持つ産卵前ガード行動が観察される.交尾・産卵直後にガード行動は終了する.抱卵雌は4月から2月の間に観察される.抱卵雌の出現時期とその後の卵の発達状態から,主な産卵期は5月で,雌は1年に1回産卵し,約9カ月間という長期にわたって抱卵することが明らかになった.交尾前ガード行動はホンヤドカリ属に普通に見られる行動であるが,長期にわたる抱卵期間は同地に生息する同属他種,あるいは他所に分布する同属のそれと比較しても非常に長く,きわだった繁殖特性といえる.このことは本種の属するホンヤドカリ属は,種類数の豊富さとともに,その繁殖特性にも多様な面が含まれることを示唆している.

著者

竹田 伸一

出版者

金城学院大学

雑誌

金城学院大学論集. 人文科学編 (ISSN:04538862)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.59-65, 2006

著者

三池 洋江

出版者

白百合女子大学児童文化研究センター|Research Center for Children's Literature and Culture, Shirayuri University

雑誌

白百合女子大学児童文化研究センター研究論文集 = Studies of Research Center for Children's Literature and Culture, Shirayuri University (ISSN:13455338)

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.79-95, 2020-03

---

「ハリー・ポッター」シリーズに登場するVoldemortには複数の呼び名がある。大多数の魔法使いはYou-Know-Whoという名を用い、DumbledoreやHarryは、Voldemortという名前を使う。登場人物が用いる様々な呼び名を紹介するとともに、HarryがYou-Know-Who、Voldemort、Tom Riddleへと呼び名を変えている点に着目した。そこから読み取れる敵への見方や立ち向かい方を考察した。

著者

渡辺 開紀

出版者

学校法人國學院大學 國學院大學北海道短期大学部

雑誌

國學院大學北海道短期大学部紀要 (ISSN:21853517)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.29-58, 2021

著者

村上 公子

出版者

早稲田大学

雑誌

早稲田大学人間科学研究 (ISSN:09160396)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.109-127, 2003-03-31

---

エーリカ・マン(1905-1969)は19世紀終盤から20世紀前半、ドイツ語で執筆する世界的な作家として名声を博したトーマス・マン(1875-1955)の長女である。彼女はヴァイマル共和国時代、一歳年下の弟クラウス・マン(1906-1949)と共に、「退廃的」なヴァイマル・ドイツ期の若者の典型のような生活を送っていたが、ナチズムの台頭が明らかになるにつれ、これに対する抵抗の姿勢を次第に明確にし、1933年1月にはミュンヒェンで政治的な文学カバレット「胡椒挽き」を旗揚げする。活動の自由を求めて同年3月にはスイスに亡命、9月にはスイスで「胡椒挽き」を再結成し、1936年までヨーロッパ各地を巡演した。1937年「胡椒挽き」のアメリカ公演失敗後、エーリカはアメリカ合衆国に残り、講演、および執筆によって生活を立てると同時に、アメリカの世論を反ヒトラー・ドイツに向けさせるべく力を注いだ。アメリカ合衆国が第二次世界大戦に参戦した後は、従軍記者となり、連合軍のノルマンディー上陸、あるいはアメリカ軍のドイツ西部占領、さらには終戦後のニュルンベルクにおける軍事法廷の取材、報道を行っている。戦後、亡命知識人の少なからぬ部分が(東西を問わぬ)ドイツに帰国しなかったが、その中でもエーリカとクラウスのマン姉弟のドイツに対する批判的な態度は目立っている。本論考後半では、エーリカの残した著作、原稿における一人称複数の代名詞類の使用法を手がかりに、エーリカ・マンの自己理解の変化を明らかにしようと試みた。まだ調査数は少ないが、アメリカヘの移住当初、圧倒的に「ドイツ人」「移民」の意味で用いられていた一人称複数代名詞が、従軍をきっかけに「連合国民」「アメリカ人」を意味するようになっているという傾向は明らかである。

著者

廣田 桂 大田 海

出版者

大学図書館研究編集委員会

雑誌

大学図書館研究 (ISSN:03860507)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.75-82, 2012-08

出版者

日経BP社

雑誌

日経ベンチャ- (ISSN:02896516)

巻号頁・発行日

no.185, pp.34-38, 2000-02

---

昨年一二月、暮れも押し迫った日曜日に、熱海のホテルで日本ジャンボーの「謝恩大忘年会」が開かれた。同社にとっては三年ぶりの忘年会。社員のほか、取引先の関係者など八〇〇人が一堂に会した。 日本ジャンボーが、忘年会を三年ぶりに開催したのは、九六年以降の業績低迷に底打ちの気配が見えてきたからだ。

著者

上原 かおり

出版者

日本中国友好協会『研究中国』刊行委員会

雑誌

研究中国 = Study China = Yanjiu Zhongguo (ISSN:21894175)

巻号頁・発行日

no.11, pp.45-55, 2020-10

著者

加藤 重広

出版者

富山大学人文学部

雑誌

富山大学人文学部紀要 (ISSN:03865975)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.19-82, 1997

---

日本語の日常会話では,本来助詞が存在するような位置に助詞が現れない発話が頻繁に見られる。一般に日本語の場合,動詞と意味上関わりを持つ名詞(句) は格助詞を後接させてその意味的関係を明示できる。そして,動詞の意味的特質と関連させて,格助詞の意味や用法の記述をすることも行われている。本論文では,本来助詞が現れてしかるべき位置に助詞が現れない場合について考える。助詞がないという現象も実は単純なものではなく, いくつかのパターンに分けて考えることが可能である。そのうち、助詞が出現しないことが義務的である場合や逆に無助詞では非文となる場合などを検討しながら,その実態を考えていく。本稿では本来格助詞などの助詞があるべきところに助詞を欠くものを一括して〈ゼロ助詞〉と呼ぶことにする。また,本稿は主としてこの〈ゼロ助詞〉の談話における機能を明らかにすることを目的とする。