著者
渡邉 秀司
出版者
佛教大学
雑誌
佛教大学大学院紀要. 社会学研究科篇 (ISSN:18834000)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, pp.37-54, 2014-03-01

本稿はオタクと自ら意識する人たちについて考察をおこなうものである。現状さまざまなオタク論があり,本稿では代表的な論者である大澤真幸,大塚英志,東浩紀のそれを整理し,それらが「大きな物語」という概念に関わる議論である事を述べた。そのうえで,オタクを考えるためには個別的なデータの収集が重要であるとして,インタビュー調査の内容を述べた。オタクと自認しオタクアイデンティティを獲得した人がオタクであるという田川隆博の見解を評価しつつ,オタクと自認する人とそれ以外の他者との緊張感が,オタクを考える上では重要なのではないかと結論づけた。オタクはオタクという特殊な人種ではない。オタクとは現代社会で爛熟した文化を享受する「普通の人」たちであり,オタクを考えることは現代社会を考えることにもつながるのである。
著者
Khor Diana
出版者
国際基督教大学
雑誌
ジェンダー&セクシュアリティ (ISSN:18804764)
巻号頁・発行日
no.5, pp.45-59, 2010

筆者は日本におけるレズビアンの経験・生活を分析するにあたって、その背景となる理論を確立する過程で、英文で書かれた日本の同性間セクシュアリティに関する研究が、数人の研究者によるものによって占められている状況に直面した。それらの英語文献における主張は、日本における同性愛に対する寛容さ、セクシュアリティの多様さ、さらにアイデンティティの一貫性のなさを想起させるものである。本稿ではそれらの主張および、日本の同性間セクシュアリティの一般化に対して意義を唱える。第一に、日本の同性愛に対する寛容さが誇張されることで、ジェンダーによる不平等やレズビアンに与えられるスティグマの問題をいかに無視しているかを示す。第二に、日本におけるアイデンティティの一貫性のなさという主張は、「西洋における一貫したアイデンティティ」を誇張することで可能となっており、アイデンティティに関する論考の対象が個人なのか集団なのかを混合したまま比較している、という分析レベルに問題があることを指摘する。これらの問題含みの主張や、日本のゲイ・レズビアン運動や活動家らは柔軟性がなく、西洋の真似に過ぎないという彼らの批判は、ある種のオリエンタリズムを反映しているとも考えられる。英語話者による日本のジェンダー・セクシュアリティ研究のコミュニティにおいては、見解の多様化を奨励し、日本におけるクィアな人々の経験や生活についての実証研究を推進して行くことが急務である。
著者
柳原 良江
出版者
日本生命倫理学会
雑誌
生命倫理 (ISSN:13434063)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.1, pp.223-232, 2007
参考文献数
17
被引用文献数
2

欧米諸外国では1980年代より同性愛カップルが養子縁組をしたり、人工授精を経て妊娠・出産して得た子を育てる場合がみられており、近年わが国でも同様の事例が見られるようになってきた。本研究では、当事者への聞き取り調査を通じて、わが国での現状を把握するとともに、一般化する生殖医療がもたらす課題について検討する。調査協力者は子育てをしている女性同性愛者カップル2組であり、ともに人工授精を試み、1例は妊娠・出産したが、もう1例は妊娠には至らず、米国人のパートナーへ国際養子縁組を迎えている。彼女たちの子育ては、親族や地域の人々の支援を得ながら行われているが、それはわが国では、協力者たちが例外的存在として捉えられているためであり、同性愛者の子育ては、未だ不可視的な状態だと考えられる。本調査の結果は、わが国でも今後は、生殖と個人の性的状況との関わりを問うことの重要性を示すものとなった。
著者
熊田 一雄
出版者
愛知学院大学
雑誌
人間文化 (ISSN:09108424)
巻号頁・発行日
no.17, pp.364-353, 2002-09

本稿の目的は,1990年代のアメリカの宗教界を席巻した保守的男性運動プロミス・キーパーズにおけるセクシュアリティ観を,クィア(変態)理論の立場から,《ペニス》をめぐる言説に焦点をあてて分析し,筆者が《ペニス・フェティシズム》と仮に名付けるものの機能を分析することにある。《ペニス・フェティシズム》とは,「恋愛フェミニスト」が男根中心主義(ペニス中心主義)と呼んで実体化していたものを,クィア理論の立場から,単なるフェティシズムの一種として発展的に読み替えたものである。ペニス・フェティシズムは,ホモソーシャル(同質社会的)な社会において,しばしばホモエロティシズム(同性愛)を隠蔽し,強制的異性愛とホモソーシャリズムを両立させる機能をもつ。このことは,プロミス・キーパーズにおける保守的なセクシュアリティ観,厳格な童貞主義・反ポルノグラフィー主義と徹底した同性愛嫌悪・中絶反対の立場に関わる《ペニス》をめぐる言説に典型的に見られる。最後に,今後残された課題として,1. プロミス・キーパーズのセクシュアリティ観の実証的調査の必要性,2.《ペニス・フェティシズム》の文化による濃淡の差異の実証的調査の必要性,について言及する。
著者
庄子 大亮
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, pp.14-25, 2008

The Atlantis story told by Plato in Timaeus and Critias is well known. Plato says that Atlantis, the prosperous maritime empire in primeval time, was ruined because of her corruption. He also says that primeval Athens, which defeated Atlantis, was a noble state governed by virtuous people. This story is said to be "true" (Tim. 20d) and some scholars have held that it may have some historical basis, for example in the facts of Minoan Crete. In any case, the only source of this story is Plato and we should take it to be basically Plato's invention. What is most important is to understand the meaning of this story. As to that, P. Vidal-Naquet has pointed out that by contrasting Atlantis with an imaginary noble state (primeval Athens), Plato set his ideal state against historical Athens which he criticized as a warlike maritime state. But why did Plato show his idea by the mythical past? In what context can we understand it? Ancient Greeks, who had experienced discontinuity from the Mycenaean period, regarded their distant past as the age of great heroes. Many legends of such heroes were narrated by poets and handed down by communities. On the other hand, democratic city-states, especially Athens, emphasized equality and did not recognize actual charismatic individuals. So models of virtue and various types of behaviour were not so much sought among citizens as reflected in the mythic past. Plato recognized this paradigmatic role of the mythic past. In Republic, groping for the ideal state, he emphasizes and appreciates the educative function of myth. But Plato also criticizes the stories in circulation in terms of ethics. He says human beings, unlike the gods, cannot know the truth about the past; all we can do is to make our falsehood as like truth as possible to make it beneficial (Rep. 382 c-d). Trying to present the ideal state, and appreciating a function of myth while ethically dissatisfied with circulated myths, Plato told a new story. In order to show citizens a model of the virtuous state and its antithesis, primeval Athens and Atlantis were created. Isocrates, an oratorical writer contemporary with Plato, adapts mythic discourse too. In Panegyricus and Panathenaicus he insists on Athens' leader-ship in Greece by reinterpreting the legendary achievements of Athens. As Isocrates appropriated the past for his actual political purpose, so Plato told the Atlantis story. This should be understood as a new intellectual concern in the fourth century B.C.. In this period Athens, trying to establish a new identity in the Greek World, wanted a state to serve as model. But Athens' factual past, which led to the defeat of the Peloponnesian War, could not be a model. Under such conditions it was necessary to consider how to appropriate the mythic past to make it influential as a means of education and as a model of virtue. The story of Atlantis and primeval Athens is "true" for Plato not because it is historical fact but because Plato thought such a story necessary and beneficial for actual citizens. The Atlantis story should be understood in this context.
著者
高間 満
出版者
神戸学院大学
雑誌
神戸学院総合リハビリテーション研究 (ISSN:1880781X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, no.1, pp.135-147, 2006-03-20

本稿では,ホームレス問題の歴史,実態,生活保護による制度的対応を概観した上で,ホームレス自立支援法成立以後の具体的なホームレス支援のあり方について検討した。ホームレスの人々は,歴史的に不定住的貧困として救貧制度から除外され,戦後の生活保護法でも病院や施設への入院・入所以外は救済対象とされず,近年のホームレス訴訟などを経て,ようやく在宅保護の途が開かれた経緯がある。また2002(平成14)年にホームレス自立支援法が成立したが,その主たる対象は就労による自立が見込まれる人々である。そして各自治体では自立支援センターの設置など,自立支援計画を実行しつつある。しかしホームレス自立支援では就労自立の見込みのない人,自立意欲のない人をも並列的に対象とすべきである。また自立支援の推進では行政主導ではなく,公民協働が重要であり,民間団体が開発した資源,ノウハウの活用が有効である。またその具体的支援にあたっては,生活保護の適切な運用の上,「半福祉・半就労」と「社会的つながり」の視点が求められる。さらにはホームレス予防策の整備とともに,市民ぐるみのホームレス支援が重要となる。ホームレス問題は地域福祉の究極的課題である。
著者
中山 佳子
出版者
国際基督教大学ジェンダー研究センター
雑誌
Gender and Sexuality (ISSN:18804764)
巻号頁・発行日
no.13, pp.61-84, 2018-03-31

This paper discusses aged mens' employment of kawaii discourse from theperspective of feminist gerontology. First, the function of kawaii discourse is examined in the context of theJapanese society, based on previous research. Throughout the analysis, thispaper points out that the effects of kawaii discourse place the "kawaii person"in a subordinate position within society, reinforcing the power relationshipbetween dominant/powerful and submissive/powerless. This dominant/powerful-submissive/powerless relationship does not exclude other binaryrelations, notably the relationship between young and old. While previousstudies analyzed gender relationships by positioning women on the kawaii side,my study focuses on the process of men employing kawaii practices. By examining representations of the Ojisan (middle-aged man) in magazinesand on the Internet, this paper clarifies how men become marginalized fromthe male homosocial relationship of the dominant class as they age. Moreover,this paper examines how the function of kawaii discourse toward aged menredefines their age in a positive manner, while denying aging itself. Through thisexamination, this paper concludes that men can overcome the negative aspectsof ageing by interjecting kawaii discourse.

11 0 0 0 IR 自牧宗湛(上)

著者
綿田 稔
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.393, pp.30-60, 2008-01-28

Sôtan (1420-1481) was a Daiô school Zen monk of the Rinzai sect, and he was a Kyoto-based painter during the mid Muromachi period. While it is known that his secular family name was Oguri, his birthplace and family's social standing are not known. Sôtan is known to have studied Zen under Yôsô Sôi of Daitoku-ji, and it is believed that he studied painting from the monk-painter Shûbun of Shôkoku-ji. He created a landscape painting with inscriptions by four Zen priests from the Chinese poetry salon of Reisen-in, Ken'nin-ji, in 1459. In 1462, he painted the Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang on shôji sliding doors at Shôsen-ken, a building in the Untaku-ken of the Unchô-in subtemple of Shôkoku-ji temple. By that time Sôtan had already been highly praised for his genius at painting by Ashikaga Yoshimasa, the 8th shogun of the Muromachi shogunate. That same year (1462), Sôtan became a monk under Shunpo Sôki at Daitoku-ji and was dubbed Kan'ô Sôtan. Around the end of the same year he built a hermitage at Aneyakôji-Nishinotoin in the market district of Kyoto, and his new home was named Jiboku-an by Kikei Shinzui, a priest who lived at Inryô-ken in the Rokuon-in subtemple of Shokoku-ji. The following year Sôtan was appointed painter to the shogun, a position that, like that of Shûbun, the previous generation of official painter to the shogunal family, entailed the receipt of a monthly stipend and year-end bonus. In 1466 Sôtan participated in the trip to Arima (present-day part of Kobe city) for recuperative bathing taken by Kikei Shinzui, Taga Takatada, and other high-ranking members of the shogunate. Sôtan painted a view of the hot springs village as seen from in front of the Amida-dô Hall in the town. This is important as a record of an outdoor sketch of a specific landscape in Japan. During the Ônin Civil War, Sôtan evacuated to the Muromachi Palace, where the emperor and the shogun were temporarily both residing. There is one incident known from this time, when Sôtan had trouble with his hand and the shogun ordered the official doctors to heal him. Such incidents indicate the importance of Sôtan to the shogun. Records show that in addition to his work on the Shôsen-ken sliding door paintings, Sôtan also created sliding door paintings for the Takakura Palace (the later incarnation of the Karasuma Palace, which would eventually become the Imadegawa Palace), the Untaku-ken, the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace, the residence of Ino'o Yukitane, and Yôtoku-in subtemple of Daitoku-ji. The paintings for the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace were created on a commission from Ashikaga Yoshimasa to commemorate Retired Emperor GoHanazono's visit. Sporadic records of paintings by Sôtan remain until 1473, and it can be surmised that he also received a considerable stipend for his main work commissioned by Ashikaga Yoshimasa for the Kokawa Palace and the reconstructed Muromachi Palace. It is difficult to imagine that Sôtan would not have been active in the renovation of temple buildings at Daitoku-ji. Sôtan died in 1481 at the age of 69, just before Ashikaga Yoshimasa began work on the Higashiyama Palace. Sôtan had a son named Kei Gessen (also known as Kitabô) who was also a monk-painter. However, Sôtan's position as shogunal painter was not inherited by his son, he was succeeded by Kanô Masanobu in his role of official painter to the shogunal family. Kanô Masanobu was immediately put to work the wall paintings for the new Higashiyama Palace. In later years, what would become the Kanô school of painting hastened Japanese painting along the path to the premodern era. Sôtan was not only an intermediary between Shûbun and the Kanô school, he was also the central painter of Ashikaga Yoshimasa's reign as shogun. Regardless of whether or not original works remain by Sôtan, his importance in art history cannot be overemphasized. The study of Sôtan, not only the study of Shûbun, is essential for a detailed understanding of the culture that matured and flourished during Ashikaga Yoshimasa's shogunate. To understand that culture, one also must go beyond a consideration of the wasteful public cultural projects initiated by Yoshimasa, a political failure who turned his back on the world in his search for pleasure, to consider a culture not in tandem with the political failure and also not encompassed by a prejudiced term "Higashiyama Culture." Thus this article aims to organize available research materials and examine them in detail in order to create a basis for future study on Sôtan.