著者
坂本 満
雑誌
美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies
巻号頁・発行日
no.262, pp.1-16, 1969-12-25

In a Buddhist temple called Ryūkōin in Sano City, Tochigi, there is a woodden figure traditionally known as Kateki. It was recovered in the 1920's and was found to be a figure of Desiderius Erasmus Rotterdamus by the studies of Izuru Shimmura and Naojirō Murakami. The Ryūkōin had been the family temple of the Makino Clan, the lineage of the feudal lord of the area. And, in the voluminous book of pedigrees of various families Kansei Chōshū Shokafu, completed in 1812, it is written that Narisato Makino (died 1614), a feudal lord of the clan, brought back a figure of Kateki after joining the Bunroku War in Korea. This must correspond to the figure in the Ryūkōin. This is because no other image of Kateki is known, and also, it was not unusual for Western goods to be called Korean importations in Japan during the period in which Christianity was prohibited. On the other hand, the study of Murakami has clarified the fact that the statue was a figure of Erasmus of Rotterdam which had been originally placed at the stern of the Dutch ship De Liefde which drifted ashore on the east coast of Kyūshū on April 29, 1600. Shimmura further assumes that Narisato obtained it in his late years when he was one of the three heads of the infantry of the Shogunate stationed at Edo Castle. Kateki (Ch. Huo-ti) is a legendary innovator of ship building in China along with Kyōko (Ch. Huo-hu) and these two names are almost always referred to inseparably in Chinese dictionaries. But in Japan Kateki alone is mentioned: in several texts for nō dramas, as Shimmura has pointed out, only his name is seen, and under the influence of nō texts his name was cited in an Edo Period chantey for special occasions. Therefore, it is not strange that this figure of Erasmus, originally placed at the stern of a ship, was given the name of Kateki. De Liefde, which had formerly been called Erasmus, left Rotterdam for the Far East together with four other ships in 1598. Twenty-two months later only De Liefde reached its destination and thereby opened the commercial relationship between Holland and Japan which lasted a longtime. But only twenty-four of the crew were alive when it arrived in Japan and three of the survivors died the next day. The ship reached Japan after numerous hardships. During such difficult sailing, the crew members must have recalled the patron saint of sailors, Saint Erasmus, the same name as the figure at the stern. This saint was believed in by Italian, Spanish and Portugese sailors. The worship of the saint by sailors is not mentioned in the writings of the humanist of Rotterdam. But there is a fairly good possiblity that the habits of south European sailors had been introduced to northern countries, since Spain and Portugal monopolized long-distance navigation in the sixteenth century and it is known that in some cases south European sailors joined the crews of English or French ships. It is also said that a chapel of Saint Erasmus in Westminster Abbey was a religiously important shrine for sailors. Legenda Aurea, which contains the story of the life of Saint Erasmus in its supplement, had been severely criticised by Catholics and Protestants since the middle of the sixteenth century for its absurdity. The English navigator of De Liefde, Willian Adams (Japanese name: Anjin Miura), was a rationalist who did not believe in superstitions and miracles and in this respect he was just like Erasmus of Rotterdam and Ieyasu Tokugawa. But, generally speaking, sailors are not rationalists. The writer, in Part I of the present paper, proposes the possibility that the sailors who survived the difficult voyage with De Liefde attributed their good fortune to Saint Erasmus and so gave special meaning to the figure of Erasmus of Rottersdam at the stern. This interpretation by the sailors may have given further meaning as patron saint of sailors to the name of Kateki, in addition to his original significance as an innovator of ship building. In Part II of the paper, which will be published in No. 263 of this journal, the writer furher discusses the nature of the figure itself. After introducing portrait works of Erasmus of Rotterdam in Europe by quoting the studies by G. Marlier, E. Treu and J. Huiginga, the writer criticises the theory of E. Major and E. Treu that the figure in question was originally a statue made for welcoming the visit of Felipe II to Rotterdam and the theory of F. Kossman that the figure is its copy. E. Treu claims that the now damaged left hand of the figure of the Ryūkōin had held a quill pen, but traces in the carving show that it apparently held a thick book, a form ordinarily given to the portraits of Erasmus. From the right hand of the figure hangs a scroll but it seems to be too small to hold the written name of the ship as Treu says. Since it is strange to carry such similar things in both hands and this is not seen in painted portraits of Erasmus, the present writer presumes that the characteristics of the figure resulted from it being a direct orindirect imitation of the wooden statue that had been erected in Rotterdam in 1549 or the stone statue that had been rebuilt in 1557. The writer, at the end of the paper, introduces a rather free copy of the Ryūkōin figure of Erasmus made by a carpenter who lived near the temple, in October of 1905 and given to the temple by a believer. The figure was not then recognized as Erasmus. This copy has crystal eyes and holds a Buddhist sacred ball in its left hand. Its physical features, which include its proportions, are completely Japanese. This naive folk-art type of work has not attracted people's attention, but this is, so to speak, the only real Kateki figure now known and the figure of Erasmus who was “naturalized” in Japan.
著者
日隈 正守
出版者
鹿児島大学
雑誌
鹿児島大学教育学部研究紀要. 人文・社会科学編 (ISSN:03896684)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.1-13, 2014

本論文では,日向・大隅・薩摩三箇国に亘る島津荘域の中で,大隅国内において国衙・国一宮(大隅国正八幡宮)と島津荘との間に対立関係があることを具体的な事例を通して指摘した。国衙・国一宮と島津荘との間に対立関係が生じた理由を島津荘立荘時に遡って考察し,島津荘立荘者平季基の大隅国府焼き討ち事件とその結果が国衙・国一宮と島津荘との対立の原因であることを解明した。
著者
髙橋 利博
出版者
佛教大学大学院
雑誌
佛教大学大学院紀要. 社会福祉学研究科篇 (ISSN:18834019)
巻号頁・発行日
no.48, pp.1-18, 2020-03-01

本研究の目的は,岐阜市の繊維産業と高齢者の貧困を縫製加工業に従事してきた高齢者の実態から分析し,その要因を明らかにすることにある。戦後の岐阜市は,縫製加工業が基幹的産業として発達してきた。しかし,グローバル化や安価な製品の輸入により縫製加工業は衰退の危機にあり,これらの事業所に携わる高齢者の生活は,不安定な収入による貧困を伴う。『国民生活基礎調査』は高齢者の貧困層の広がりを示しており,岐阜市の生活保護世帯と国民保険料滞納世帯も増加している。これらの貧困層に対する社会保障が機能しておらず,逆に高い公的保険料が市民生活の困難性をもたらす。このように産業構造の転換と社会保障の後退が労働者層への貧困の要因を作っているが,求められるのは生活に困っている国民を救う社会保障の充実である。高齢者の貧困産業構造国民健康保険生活保護国家責任
著者
越川 葉子
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, pp.5-25, 2017-11-30 (Released:2019-06-14)
参考文献数
13
被引用文献数
1

過去30年間にわたる「いじめ問題」の社会問題化過程において,学校非難の語りは強まる一方である。こうした社会状況において,「いじめ問題」の当事者性を担う教師は,公的な場で自らの実践の論理を主張することができない状況へと追い詰められている。 本稿の目的は,公的な言説で語られる「いじめ問題」のリアリティに対し,教師の語りが描く学校現場のリアリティを対置することで,生徒間トラブルについて異なるリアリティが構築されうることを実証することにある。教師の語りから明らかとなった学校現場のローカル・リアリティは,今日の「いじめ問題」に次の示唆を与える。 第一に,学校は「いじめ」事件の社会問題化以前も以降も,「いじめ問題」として生徒間のトラブルには対応していないということである。学校にとって大事なことは,「いじめ」という言葉でトラブル状況を定義するかどうかでなく,今,何を最優先に生徒らに働きかけていかなければならないのかを判断し,対応することなのである。 第二に,学校は社会問題化以降も,生徒らの将来的な地域での生活を見据え,被害生徒はもとより,加害生徒らにも学習支援を行なっていることである。また,親同士の謝罪の場も設け,学校は,当事者間の調整役としての役割を果たしていた。こうした学校の対応は,「いじめ問題」を教師の語りから捉えなおすことではじめて理解が可能になるものである。
著者
伊藤 茂樹
出版者
日本教育社会学会
雑誌
教育社会学研究 (ISSN:03873145)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.21-37, 1996-10-15 (Released:2011-03-18)
参考文献数
18
被引用文献数
5 2
著者
小寺 礼香 清河 幸子 足利 純 植田 一博
出版者
日本認知科学会
雑誌
認知科学 (ISSN:13417924)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.1, pp.114-126, 2011 (Released:2011-09-07)
参考文献数
24

A previous study showed that observing others' trials had a positive effect on performance in insight problem solving, whereas observing one's own past trials had a negative effect. We can assume that these effects are caused by the following two factors: one is that the amount and variety of information may increase by observing others' trials, which in turn enhances the possibility of adopting a new perspective or gaining an insight. The second factor is that, regardless of the type of information that a person gains through observation, the fact that this information is obtained from himself⁄herself may disrupt constraint relaxation and consequently, insight problem solving. In this study, we tested whether or not a person's attribution of the observed actions to self disrupts his⁄her performance on the task. For this purpose, we compared the participants' performances across the following four conditions: (1) the solo condition, in which participants were asked to solve a T-puzzle alone; (2) the self-observation condition, in which each participant was asked to alternate between solving the puzzle and observing each of his⁄her own past trials for 30 seconds; (3) the fake other-observation condition, in which each participant was asked to follow the same procedure as in the self-observation condition, but was instructed that the trials he⁄she observed were those undertaken by another person; and (4) the other-observation condition, in which each participant was asked to alternate between solving the puzzle and observing each of another person's past trials for 30 seconds. The results revealed that the participants' performances in the self-observation condition were inferior to those in the other three conditions. The results indicate that observation may disrupt insight problem solving if one attributes the observed actions to oneself, but not if one attributes them to another person.
著者
針貝 綾
出版者
Japanese Society for the Science of Design
雑誌
日本デザイン学会研究発表大会概要集
巻号頁・発行日
pp.22, 2005 (Released:2005-07-20)

本論は、アーデルベルト・ニーマイヤー(Adelbert Niemeyer, 1967-1932)がニュンフェンブルク磁器マニュファクチュア(Die Porzellan-Manufaktur Nymphenburg)に提供した820番という食器セットをめぐる問題について検討するものである。820番の装飾模様の中でも、金彩による装飾模様752番は820番のセットに最もマッチしており、ベストセラーになると同時に意匠保護期間が終了した1909年以降、次々に作品のコピーが出回ることになった。ニーマイヤーのセットが成功した要因は、そのモダンなデザインと共にニュンフェンブルク磁器マニュファクチュアがこの頃展覧会を通して新たな販売ルートを開拓したことが挙げられる。有限会社ドイツ手工芸美術工房が販売に関わった他、デューラーブントもニーマイヤーのコーヒーセットを掲載した商品カタログを売り出した。ウィーン工房も関心を示したニーマイヤーの清新なデザイン感覚はウィーン・ゼツェッションにも共鳴するものであり、シンプルなフォルムは容易にコピーできるため多くのコピーが出回るなどの問題が絶えなかったが、ニュンフェンブルク磁器マニュファクチュアにモダン・デザインを持ち込み、普及させた所にニーマイヤーの功績があったと考えられる。

3 0 0 0 OA 万葉集略解

著者
本居宣長 著
出版者
片野東四郎
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20 下, 1875
著者
横倉 聡
出版者
東洋英和女学院大学大学院
雑誌
東洋英和大学院紀要 = The journal of the Graduate of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.59-74, 2020

With the adoption of the Restructuring Plan for Mental Healthcare and Medical Welfare in September 2004, regional transition and support for the elderly with mental disorders in their community life have been implemented. These measures encourage the discharge of the elderly from hospitals and settlement in their local communities.This paper describes the present situation and problems concerning support given to the elderly living in nursing homes, which became one of the destinations in regional transition for the mentally-handicapped elderly with a long hospitalization.It is clear that such nursing homes are providing the elderly with ingenious support, despite great difficulties resulting from staff shortage.

3 0 0 0 OA 家忠日記

著者
松平家忠 著
出版者
吉川半七
巻号頁・発行日
vol.第4, 1897
著者
吉田 奈月 蔭山 正子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本公衆衛生看護学会
雑誌
日本公衆衛生看護学会誌 (ISSN:21877122)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.2, pp.81-90, 2020 (Released:2020-08-30)
参考文献数
15

目的:統合失調症の当事者が親に暴力を振るった経験を記述することを目的とした.方法:親に暴力を振るった経験のある男性8名,女性1名に,親に暴力を振るった背景,暴力を振るった後の思いなどについて個別インタビューを行い,質的記述的に分析した.結果:親に暴力を振るった当事者は,《辛さが蓄積》《親に反発》《発散できない辛さ》《鬱憤を親にぶつけるか葛藤》《親への暴力の発露》《快感は一転して後悔》《辛さが霧散》《状況の捉え直し》《親との関係を改善》という経験をしていた.考察:支援者は,暴力が起きる前に,健康的にエネルギーを発散できるように支援することや,親子間の関係調整を行うことで暴力の発生を予防し得ると考えられた.また,暴力の発露は,リカバリーのきっかけになる可能性を秘めていることを視野に入れて関わることが望まれる.
著者
山内 雄気
出版者
Business History Society of Japan
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.1_3-1_30, 2009 (Released:2012-03-23)
被引用文献数
1

This paper examines the fashion business by focusing on the entrepreneurship of a Japanese wholesales merchant Inanishi & Co. in the 1920s in order to demonstrate the dynamism of the creation of fashion. Inanishi played a central role in making season colors and designs using the silk textile “Meisen,” which was one of the first leading commodities accepted by the masses in Japan.In the late 1910s department stores in Japan enjoyed increased bargaining power in the consumer market. Against the backdrop of this power they decreased the volume of trade with wholesalers while starting to deal directly with the silk textile producers. The reason for this shift was to increase the number of sales promotions and shift their strategy to fit the mass market. For that purpose they made use of Meisen.Inanishi was deeply concerned about their weakening power as a middleman and wanted to find a place for themselves in business relations with department stores. As the Meisen market expanded from the late 1910s, Inanishi noticed that achieving both product differentiation and mass production had become the new business challenge for the textile industry in the 1920s.Inanishi designed a unique fashion creation system by utilizing both silk textile producers and department stores. Inanishi tried to survive by collecting fashion information from major department stores, and then spreading it to silk textile producers by publishing the monthly magazine “Sensyoku-no-Ryuko” and organizing a textile fair twice a year. By getting information from these two channels, producers may also have been attempting to decrease the uncertainty in the distribution process. As a result of complicated interaction between the department stores, the wholesalers and the silk textile producers, the fashion creation and diffusion system was constructed.