著者

長嶋 秀世 江頭 虎夫

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.229-241, 1976-01-31

著者

中村 剛 佐藤 亜希子 小林 峻 伊澤 雅子 傳田 哲郎 横田 昌嗣

出版者

日本植物分類学会

雑誌

分類 (ISSN:13466852)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.159-165, 2009-08-20 (Released:2017-03-25)

参考文献数

39

著者

森 康久仁

出版者

医用画像情報学会

雑誌

医用画像情報学会雑誌 (ISSN:09101543)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.42-47, 2018-09-28 (Released:2018-09-29)

参考文献数

26

被引用文献数

1

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This paper presents a brief overview of machine learning and its application to medical images. Machine learning is a technology or technique that has been spreading rapidly due to the development of computer environment and the enormous amount of data available. Deep Neural Network (DNN), which is one of machine learning methods, has been studied explosively in recent years. This paper introduces the research applying DNN to medical images.

著者

渡邉 守

出版者

三重大学

雑誌

一般研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

1989

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野外で活動中の蝶類の糖濃度選好性を調べるため、三重県津市周辺と長野県白馬地区でナミアゲハとキアゲハ、モンシロチョウ、スジグロシロチョウ、モンキチョウを捕獲した。捕獲個体は、直ちに、あらかじめ成分・濃度を数段階に設定しておいた糖溶液を3分間与え、その間の吸飲量を測定した。アゲハ類では20%糖溶液が最も好まれ、蒸留水は少ししか吸飲されなかった。日令の進んだ成虫ほど吸飲量は多く、雌の方が雄よりも多く吸飲した。一方、シロチョウ類でも20%糖溶液が最も好まれていた。モンシロチョウは糖濃度の違いの感受性が低く、スジグロシロチョウが高かった。また、モンキチョウは蒸留水をかなり吸飲することが分った。しかしシロチョウ類では、日令の違いによる吸飲量の差は得られなかった。これらの結果をそれぞれの種の生息地選択の観点から考察した。室内ではナミアゲハの雌を羽化させ、濃度を数段階に設定した糖溶液をそれぞれ1日1回3分間ずつ与えて吸飲量を調べた。雌は室温で常時三角紙内に静置するか室内のケ-ジ、戸外の網室で飼育した。20%糖溶液を与えた雌の寿命が最も長くなった。また、実験に供した雌を様々な日令で解剖し、保有していた卵数を数えた。これらの雌はすべて未交尾のまま保ち、産卵をさせなかったところ、低濃度の糖溶液を与え続けた雌では日令が進むと成熟卵の再吸収が認められた。「水」のみを与えた個体は絶食させたが個体よりも寿命が延びることも分かった。脂肪体の減少傾向は糖摂取量の少ない個体ほど強く、多い個体ほど弱かった。保有している成熟卵数は高濃度の糖溶液を吸飲した個体ほど多かった。この傾向は日令が進むほど顕著となっている。これらの結果を比較すると、摂取された糖は成虫の体を維持すりばかりでなく、卵成熟のためのエネルギ-源として使われていたことがわかった。

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

雑誌

国際問題 = International affairs (ISSN:04523377)

巻号頁・発行日

no.702, pp.32-39, 2021-08

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

雑誌

国際問題 = International affairs (ISSN:04523377)

巻号頁・発行日

no.671, pp.5-16, 2018-05

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.87-103, 2001

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Within the various theoretical perspectives of Islam, the issue of legitimacy of rule has traditionally been dealt with most notably as that of legitimate ruler. This apparently holds true in the both cases of the theory of the Sunni caliphate, and that of the Shi'ite infallible Imamate. The contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the differing perspectives on the sources of legitimacy of the rule of the jurist (<i>wilayat-i faqih</i>), on which I have previously published an article in this journal, was no exception.<br>In this article, I will further consider the question of legitimacy in Islamic rule by examining the contemporary debate in the Islamic Republic of Iran with the following steps. First, I will start the examination with bearing the following question in mind, that is, is it still convincingly arguable that the issue of legitimacy of rule in an Islamic regime can be adequately dealt with by considering who is the legitimate ruler, even after the establishment of an regime called &ldquo;Islamic republic&rdquo; in Iran? Second, I will attempt to enlarge the scope of the investigation by examining two articles written by Sa'id Hajjarian (b. 1954), a leading non-clerical theoretician of Iran today.<br>After carefully reading the two articles published in <i>Rahbord</i> and '<i>Asr-e Ma</i>, respectively, I will preliminarily conclude that with the establishment of the Islamic Republic, a new perspective on the issue of legitimacy of rule in Islam, that is, the issue of the legitimacy of the <i>regime</i> has been successfully brought into the debate, and that very interestingly, this normative concept concerning the nature of the regime takes a logical precedence over the legitimacy of the ruler in the argument of Sa'id Hajjarian. The article ends with a note that in a future examination, I intend to further critically examine the so-called <i>intikhabi</i> perspective of the legitimacy of the <i>wilayat-i faqih</i> system in light of the expanded debate on the issue.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.167, pp.167_42-56, 2012

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Why has Iran been refusing to comply with the binding U.N. Security Council resolutions and to halt its uranium enrichment program? Why has the apparent cost that it incurs by defying the international community not deterred Iran from furthering its nuclear program? Why has postrevolutionary Iran been opposing the U.S.-led peace processes between Israel and the Palestinians and made it a rule to counter any U.S. influence in the region?<br>In this article, I posit that postrevolutionary Iran's principled opposition to the U.S. is not just rhetoric or an ideologically-driven self-image, but that it may well be considered its self-constructed strategic cultural proclivity. While mindful not to fall into the trap of essentialist or cultural determinist arguments, I find the concept of strategic culture as a context useful. Following scholars such as Stuart Poore, I posit that decision makers perceive and interpret their strategic environment culturally, while what may be considered their constituted strategic culture give meaning to material factors.<br>As a first step toward identifying postrevolutionary Iran's strategic culture, I examine the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the paramount leader of the Islamic revolutionary movement and the first head of the postrevolutionary Islamist state, as regards contemporary international relations and the roles of the superpowers therein. Convinced that part of the mission of the Islamic revelation was about providing salvation against oppression and fighting injustice, Khomeini went on to construct postrevolutionary Iran's dominant strategic discourse anchored in the perceived obligation to avoid and counter earthly hegemony or domination. Khomeini preached that Iran must resist the &ldquo;satanic&rdquo; moves of the both superpowers and find only sanctuary under the banner of Islam. While finding it logical and necessary to build and maintain good neighborly and mutually respectful relations among states, Khomeini ruled out submitting to any international hegemon.<br>Iran in its post-Khomeini period continued to maintain its counterhegemonic stance. Ayatollah Khamenei, the successor to Khomeini as the head of the Islamic state of Iran, cultivated its counter-hegemonic strategic culture in part to secure his own authority and build his power base. The strategic alliance constructed between Khamenei and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has proved to perpetuate post-Khomeini-era Iran's anti-American strategic culture.<br>In conclusion, I argue that Iran may be best regarded as a counterhegemon, not an aspiring hegemon and that the kind of power that postrevolutionary Iran has found necessary to possess is not the power for hegemony and domination, but the power to resist and persevere. This proclivity helps explain why Iran has continued its nuclear program despite the cost it incurs by defying the U.N. Security Council resolutions. It also helps explain why it has maintained its principled anti-U.S. stance for the last three decades. It does not, however, seem logical to conclude that Iran's apparent pursuit of the deterrent capabilities through its nuclear or other programs is directly influenced by its counter-hegemonic strategic culture. The argument, nonetheless, supports a view that Iran's strategic posture is almost exclusively defensive and that its apparent pursuit of the means of deterrence should not necessarily be considered posing a threat to the region or the international community.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.141, pp.1-9,L5, 2005

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This issue, comprising of eight research articles and one review article, is focused on &ldquo;the Middle East in International Relations&rdquo; and comes in the midst of another structural change in the international environment of the Middle East. The previous change resulted from the collapse of the Cold War structure on the global level. Although the change affected globally, the Middle East was one of the first to experience its impact through the way the transregional actors reacted to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990. The current structural change, however, is more specific to the region and relates to the latter's relationship with the only remaining superpower, the United States. This time, the change followed the 9/11 attack, which is said to have forced the U. S. policy-makers to fundamentally reconsider the relationship between the U. S. and the Middle Eastern states and societies. How this change in international relations will affect the Middle East as a whole and a multitude of state and subnational actors in the region remains to be seen. Yet the transformative processes apparently have already been under way.<br>The articles assembled here differ from one another in their perspective on the Middle East. Some examine recent developments; others focus on historical relations. For the purpose of this introduction, three different perspectives can be identified.<br>The first perspective concerns the relations between the only superpower and actors in the Middle East. The United States, as a transregional actor, stands out in its resources and capacity and is capable of entering into relations with a host of state and subnational actors in the region. Sakai's article adopts this perspective and examines the mutually collaborative relationships between the U. S. Government and a number of anti-Hussein Iraqi groups before and after the U. S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.<br>The second perspective concerns some types of intra-regional dynamics and developments. Tateyama examines the post-Oslo Accord Peace Process between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Matsumoto assesses the state of democratization in the region by comparing the party systems in ten Arab states. Yamamoto examines nine Arab states in terms of their policies on controlling internet connections. Kashima's review article examines four theoretically-informed monographs on regional intra-state relations.<br>The third perspective concerns the Middle East as a foreign policy issue. Three articles by Hanzawa, Takayasu, and Okuda, examine British foreign policy historically during separate time periods. All, however, focus on England's dealings with another foreign power of the time on the matters relating to the greater Middle East.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.61-79, 1999

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<i>Wilayat-i Faqih</i> (henceforth, <i>WF</i>) as a doctrine justifying the rulership of a <i>faqih</i> was developed almost single-handedly by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989) during his exile in Najaf. This doctrine constituted the core of his revolutionary call for the establishment of an Islamic polity by the clerics. After the victory of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the adoption of a constitution incorporating the doctrine of <i>WF</i>, the claim that a <i>faqih</i> as &ldquo;<i>wali-yi amr</i>&rdquo; has the God-given right to rule the society and that the people must give obedience to him became a matter of real-world significance. This led not only to the heightened efforts to promote the doctrine but also to further theorization and the resultant different interpretations.<br>The key question then became: by whose sanction is the <i>faqih</i> entitled to such commanding authority? On this question (which is technically called the issue of <i>mansha'-i mashru'iyat-i WF</i>), two opposing views were developed among the disciple-followers of Imam Khomeini. They were the <i>intisabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-yi bila-wasitah</i>) view on the one hand, and the <i>intikhabi</i> (or <i>mashru'iyat-i ilahi-mardumi</i>) one on the other, and it was the former that has prevailed.<br>The purpose of this article is two-fold: first to examine the original doctrine of <i>WF</i> as advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Najaf in the early years of the 1970s; then to examine the two opposing views &mdash;-<i>intisabi</i> and <i>intikhabi</i>&mdash; on the source of the legitimacy of <i>WF</i> which were developed in Iran after the establishment of the Islamic Republic there. The article ends with some comparison and critical analysis of the two views.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

日本比較政治学会

雑誌

日本比較政治学会年報

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.67-95, 2002

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所

雑誌

アジ研ワールド・トレンド (ISSN:13413406)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.10, pp.16-18, 2009-10

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.186-190, 2000

著者

Brock Sebastian 石渡 巧

出版者

国際基督教大学

雑誌

アジア文化研究 (ISSN:04542150)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.157-176, 2006

著者

神末 武彦 加藤 彰 Takehiko Kozue Kato Akira

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.101-118, 2014-03-31

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2011 年に宮古空港にスカイマークが低価格運賃戦略を持って就航した。それまで既存の日本トランスオーシャン航空と全日本空輸の2 つの航空会社で高留まり傾向にあった航空運賃がこれを機に下落して低運賃競争に転じ、熾烈な戦いが繰り広げられるところとなった。この地域の入域者はほぼ航空輸送に頼っており、那覇・宮古の航空路線を検証することによって、運賃の低価格化が宮古島への航空需要喚起と観光客を増加させ、それら観光客がもたらす宮古島への経済波及効果が高まり地域経済の活性化をもたらしたのかを検証することができる。スカイマークの参入により航空機を利用する人数は総体で増加したものの、宮古地域に入域者する観光客数と経済波及効果について大きく影響したとはいえない。これらを検証するため、沖縄県、宮古島市や航空会社から集めた実績や予測と担当者へのインタビューを通して、総合的に集約・分析して研究をまとめた。

著者

影山 昇 カゲヤマ ノボル Noboru Kageyama

雑誌

放送教育開発センター研究紀要

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.63-98, 1995

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Japan, an island nation, owed much of its prosperity to the exploitation of marine resources during the Meiji period. In 1888, a Fisheries Institute called "Suisan Denshujo" was founded in Tokyo. "Suisan Denshujo", which was the predecessor of the Tokyo University of Fisheries, was established to teach techniques in fishing, manufacturing and cultivation, and to train technical experts in the fishing industry. The first schoolmaster was Akekiyo Sekizawa (1843-1897) and the second, Tamotsu Murata (1842-1925). In this article, the author reviews the two schoolmasters' contributions to the development of the Fisheries Institute.

著者

庄司 恭子

雑誌

史論

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.413-416, 1958

著者

神原 在雨

出版者

農村計画学会

雑誌

農村計画学会誌 (ISSN:09129731)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.36-42, 1987

著者

山名 早人 村田 剛志

出版者

一般社団法人情報処理学会

雑誌

情報処理 (ISSN:04478053)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.9, pp.981-987, 2005-09-15

被引用文献数

4

著者

山名 早人 村田 剛志

雑誌

情報処理

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.9, pp.981-987, 2005-09-15