著者

積山 和加子 松尾 剛 田中 聡 沖 貞明

出版者

公益社団法人 日本理学療法士協会

雑誌

理学療法学Supplement

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, 2017

---

<p>【はじめに,目的】</p><p></p><p>ソーシャルメディア(Social Media;以下SM)とはインターネットを利用して誰もが手軽に情報を発信し,相互のやりとりが出来るメディアを指すが,近年,医師や看護師等がインターネット上に患者情報を掲載した事案や他者を誹謗中傷した事案など,守秘義務違反や個人情報漏洩の問題が数多く取り挙げられている。本来SMの私的利用は個人の自覚と責任で自由に行うべきものであるが,これまでの不適切投稿による事案から鑑みると懲戒解雇や停職等,個人に対する処分だけでなく,所属する組織にも影響を与える。そこで今回,リハビリテーション専門職に対しSMの私的利用に関する意識調査を行い,その実態について検討を行った。</p><p></p><p></p><p>【方法】</p><p></p><p>対象は国立病院機構中国四国グループの理学療法士,作業療法士,言語聴覚士の計440名とした。無記名自記式調査票を2016年6月に同グループの25施設に対して各職員数分を発送した。</p><p></p><p>本調査票の質問項目は,総務省が平成27年にSM利用に関して一般市民に行ったアンケートを参考に,①私的に利用している端末,②SM利用状況,③SM利用目的,④SMでの情報発信・拡散の程度,⑤情報拡散の基準,⑥SM利用時のトラブル経験,⑦SM利用時のリスクに関する認識,⑧SMトラブルに関する事例(報道)への意見,⑨SM利用時の留意事項の認知度の9項目とした。9項目の各回答は多肢選択法を用い,設問によって該当するものを1つまたは複数選択する形式とした。</p><p></p><p></p><p>【結果】</p><p></p><p>本調査では395名から回答があり,回収率は90%だった。①私的利用の端末は,全員がスマートフォンやPC等を使用していた。②SMの利用状況はLINEの利用者が最も多く86%で,SMを利用していないと回答した者は11%だった。③SMの利用目的は,「知人や家族とのやりとりや通話をするため」が65%で最も多かった。④SMの情報発信・拡散の程度では,「発信よりも他人の書き込みを閲覧することの方が多い」が57%で最も多く,拡散経験があると回答した者は40%だった。⑥SM利用時トラブルを経験したことがある者は7%で,トラブル件数は41件だった。⑦SM利用時のリスクに関する認識は,「非常に気をつけている」,「気をつけている」と回答した者が80%を超えていた。⑧SMトラブルに関する事例への意見としては,「情報モラルの低下」が60.8%で最も多かった。⑨SM利用時の留置事項の認知度は,60%以上が「知っている」と回答した。</p><p></p><p></p><p>【結論】</p><p></p><p>平成26年度の総務省調査によると,SM利用に関する情報リテラシー教育の受講経験について,本邦では20%程度であり諸外国の状況に比べ低いと報告している。本調査ではSMを利用していない者も1割程度いたが,SMを利用していなくても投稿者と一緒に写っていた写真によって投稿者以外の個人情報が流出する可能性もある。そのため,インターネット利用の頻度やSMの利用に関わらずSMの私的利用における情報リテラシー教育の機会を設ける必要性があると考えられる。</p>

著者

木村 清孝 Kiyotaka Kimura

出版者

国際仏教学大学院大学

雑誌

国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 = Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies (ISSN:13434128)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.170-155, 2006-03-31

---

In Japan, wa (和. he in Chinese) is still popular as an important tenet taught by Prince Shotoku in the Ancient Age. In this paper, the author tries to analyze the concept of he as it appears in Chinese and Japanese Buddhist texts (Especially Chinese Versions of the Buddhist Canons) and clarify its various meanings, some of which have been deeply influenced by Chinese thought. Since the time of Early Buddhism, Buddhists have fundamentally attached importance to unification and harmonious relations of the order. For example, the famous Dhammapada says, sukha sanghassa samaggi samagganam tapo sukho. Samaggi in this sentence was translated he (和) or hehe (和合) in China. This seems to be the most basic sense of he in Buddhism. Secondly, the idea of hejing (和敬), which relates with he mentioned above is also notable. This idea served as the base of the theory of six kinds of hejing (六和敬), which means harmonious behaviors in the six fields of body (身), speaking (口), mind (意), sila (戒), view (見), and benefit (利) in general. But it does not seem that this theory was formed before the occurrence of Mahayana Buddhism in the first century B.C. and widely prevailed all over the Buddhist world. Thirdly, there is the term of heyan-aiyu (和顔愛語. wagen-aigo in Japanese). This phrase is very popular in Japan. However, we can not find out any equivalent in the Sanskrit text of the Amitayus-sutra to heyan, that constitutes the most well-known idiom in one of the Chinese versions of it. Fourthly, we discuss the concept of heguang-tongchen (和光同塵) 50 Buddhism and the Concept of he (和, wa in Japanese) in East Asia (Kimura) originating in the Laozi. This was accepted in Chinese Buddhism in two ways, i.e., one positive, and the other negative. We can see one typical example of the positive usage of this idiom in the Great Concentration and Insight (Mohezhiguan.摩訶止観) by Zhiyi (538-597). The negative usage of it, in the expression butongqichen (不同其塵) appears in the Mahayana-nirvana-sutra translated by Dharmaksema. Lastly, the author investigates the relationship between these various meanings of he in East Asian Buddhism and the thought of he advocated by Prince Shotoku. Our conclusion is that Prince Shotoku tried to apply the Buddhist idea of samaggi to the secular society at large.

著者

横山源之助 著

出版者

成功雑誌社

巻号頁・発行日

1908

著者

横山源之助 著

出版者

成功雑誌社

巻号頁・発行日

1908

著者

横山源之助 (有機逸郎) 著

出版者

松華堂

巻号頁・発行日

1906

著者

文林堂

出版者

文林堂

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48(2), no.554, 1999-02

著者

昇 幹夫

出版者

全国保険医団体連合会

雑誌

月刊保団連 (ISSN:02885093)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1253, pp.10-15, 2018-01

著者

金子 昭

出版者

天理大学おやさと研究所

雑誌

天理大学おやさと研究所年報 (ISSN:1341738X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.59-76, 2010

---

東西冷戦の時代、悪化する一方の核開発競争に際しては、多くの知識人が憂慮の念を示し、核兵器廃絶のアピールを行った。シュヴァイツァーもまたその一人である。彼によれば、平和とは本来、個人の人格的構造(精神=霊Geist)において成立する。この宗教的・神学的な視点が彼の平和論の核心にあり、それが哲学的には生命への畏敬として表明される。平和の精神(ガイスト)が諸国民の間でヒューマニズム的な倫理的志向を喚起し、核兵器廃絶への力強い世論を形成していくことに、彼は期待をかける。 シュヴァイツァーの平和論の頂点は1954 年のノーベル平和賞講演である。その後、彼はノーマン・カズンズの勧めによって、1957 年及びその翌年にオスロから一連のラジオ放送での平和アピールを行った。これらのアピールは、核兵器廃絶問題に絞って打ち出された宣言である。しかし、それがかえってシュヴァイツァーを東西冷戦の対立のただ中に立たせ、思わぬ波紋を広げることにもなった。彼はまた、唯一の被爆国である日本には格別深い心情を寄せていた。カズンズは広島とシュヴァイツァーとをつなげる人物でもあり、附論としてその関連の事情についても論じる。During the Cold War, a number of intellectual people expressed their concerns over the intensifying nuclear arms race and pleaded for the abolition of nuclear weapons. Schweitzer was one of them. According to him, peace can essentially be established in an individual's personal structure (spirit = Geist). This religious and theological view is at the heart of his theory on peace, which is manifested philosophically as reverence for life. He hoped that peace would inspire a humanistic ethical mentality among various nations and create strong voices for the abolition of nuclear weapons. The high point of Schweitzer's theory on peace was his lecture for the Nobel Peace Prize of 1952. Later, persuaded by Norman Cousins, in 1957 and 1958, he broadcast a series of speeches for peace on radio out of Oslo. They were a declaration focused on the abolition of nuclear weapons. It, however, put Schweitzer right in the middle of the Cold War conflicts between the East and West, causing unexpected controversy. He had a particularly deep sentiment toward Japan, the only nation to be hit by atomic bombs. Cousins was the link between Hiroshima and Schweitzer, which will also be discussed in passing.

著者

山之内 克子

出版者

神戸市外国語大学研究会

雑誌

神戸外大論叢 = The Kobe Gaidai Ronso : The Kobe City University Journal

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.111-160, 2018-04-20

著者

山下 将司

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.397-425, 2012-03

---

Among the Chinese character epitaphs written for Sogds found to date, we find many instances of appointment to the post of commander of garrisons (junfu 軍府) under the garrison militia (fubing 府兵) system between the Northern Dynasties and early Tang periods. It is also a fact that Sogds were also involved in the formation of local militias that comprised the fighting units of the fubing system. From examples of such Sogdian involvement in military affairs, I had previously pointed out that Sogdian garrisons and army corps may be assumed to have existed at the time in question. However this is merely an assumption based on the existing epigraphy and research to date on the military institutions of the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Periods, concluding that there is still no hard evidence establishing that fact, until now. That is to say, from the epitaph of Cao Yi, which was made public in 2011 in the city of Fenyang, Shanxi Province, we have evidence that a "chejifu 車騎府" of the regional garrison was set up under the "sabao 薩宝" of Jiezhou 介州during the early Tang Period, proving without a doubt the existence of a Sogdian garrison and army corps there. The garrison also joined the Taiyuan uprising led by Li Yuan 李淵in 617, and it had incorporated Sogdian armed forces since before the founding of the Tang. Moreover, when compared to the Sui period epitaph of Yu Hong 虞弘 excavated in 1999, we find that the Tang period garrison had its origins in the local army corps led by Sogdian commander Yu during the last years of the Northern Zhou, and it becomes clear that Sogdian garrisons and army corps existed in the final years of the Northern Dynasties at the latest. Then during the Zenguan 貞観 (627-49) era, as the Tang Dynasty established control, these Sogdian garrisons and army corps were disbanded. In consequence, Sogdian ruling class returned to their former occupations such as commerce, and others became peasants of the Tang Dynasty.

著者

上垣 渉 田中 伸明 Uegaki Wataru Tanaka Nobuaki

出版者

三重大学教育学部

雑誌

三重大学教育学部研究紀要 (ISSN:18802419)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, pp.185-196, 2009

---

In the time after World War II, Japanese Education was under the control of Civil Information & Education Section (CI & E) of General Headquarters / Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ / SCAP). The CI & E decided that Japanese new upper secondary education should have a broader focus and comprehensive curriculum. On September 27th 1946, a final tentative curriculum of elementary and secondary education in Japan was agreed upon between the Ministry of Education of Japan (Mombusho) and CI & E. In this plan, mathematics courses of upper secondary level were deemed elective. Wada Yoshinobu (Chief of mathematics course of study committee) was concerned that mathematics was "elective" and claimed that it should be "compulsory". This thesis clarifies the argument for additional years of compulsory mathematics by using GHQ / SCAP's estricted documents.

著者

原口 虎雄

出版者

法制史研究

雑誌

法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.36, pp.77-142,en4, 1986

---

Tojo, or outer-castle, system in Satsuma is unique in Japan under the Baku-Han Regime. The system was the basic unit in Satsuma's social structure. The system survived the enforcement of "Genna-no-ikkoku-ichijorei" (Order of Bakufu restricting the number of castles to one in each han). This paper is an attempt to give an account of the process of its establishment and consider the implications of the functions of such a system of social organization on Satsuma's internal and external policy.<BR>Tojo-system was a social institution with decentralized military deployment. Under this system Shimazu, the feudal Lord of Satsuma, divided its territory into 113 districts. The administrative functions were performed by the distinctive samurai-group headed by jito. The office of jito was called "jito-kariya", and the zone of residence for the samurai group was named "funioto". The jito was entitled to serve as the commander who could mobilize the samurai group to form an army corp at an emergency. In Satsuma all the samurai, except for about 5, 000 Kagoshima jokashi (the castle town samurai), resided in fumoto living on farming. Those samurai were earlier called Tojo-shuju, or goshi later. The Tojo zones were not the same as those in the age of the Warring States. Most of them were settled in the early part of the Tokugawa Era under the new system that had replaced the older one.<BR>The Tojo-system was constructed incrementally in the process of Shimazu's integration of three shu, or provinces: Satsuma, Osumi and Hyuga. There is some reasonable ground for identifying the year of the establishment of this system as around the fifth year of Keicho (1600).<BR>The Shimazu family founded its dictatorship in 1600 after the long battles that ravaged the area since 1526 when Takahisa succeeded the dynasty. The Shimazu successively conquered the antagonistic local clans in the domain, with the final battle ending in the defeat of Ijuin Kogan (Shonai-no-ran, 1599-1600).<BR>Around the mid-1590s Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the Grand Warrior Lord of the nation, ordered a land survey (1594-1595), which benefited the Shimazu as they conducted-a large-scale replacement of the leading vassals to achieve their hegemony.<BR>As a step toward integration the Shimazu started to build new Tojo as well as to re-arrange the existing ones throughout the territories. Because of their strategic importance the Tojo at the border, such as Izumi on the gateway to Higo, Okuchi to Kuma, and Takaoka and Shibushi to Hyuga, commanded Shimazu's most serious attention. Shimazu placed his most trusted and influential samurai heads to those places where they promoted drastic social reforms and set up a strict control system for the trans-border traffic.

著者

朝日新聞社 [編]

出版者

朝日新聞社

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20(43), no.1029, 1978-10

著者

古川 友紀 田畑 良宏 秦 朝子 荒川 千登世 辻井 靖子 林 静子 谷岡 亮子 池田 麻衣子 糸井 美帆 林 友子 近藤 弘子 園田 奈央 吉崎 文子

出版者

滋賀医科大学

雑誌

滋賀医科大学看護学ジャーナル (ISSN:13487558)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.24-31, 2006

著者

内田幹樹著

出版者

新潮社

巻号頁・発行日

2004

著者

笠原十九司著

出版者

岩波書店

巻号頁・発行日

1997

著者

小川國治編

出版者

吉川弘文館

巻号頁・発行日

2001

著者

岩本 仁志 小川 安耶

出版者

和歌山工業高等専門学校

雑誌

和歌山工業高等専門学校研究紀要 (ISSN:02875381)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.85-89, 2001-10

著者

野中 夏実

出版者

埼玉女子短期大学

雑誌

埼玉女子短期大学研究紀要 (ISSN:09157484)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.241-266, 2003-03

著者

西牟田靖著

出版者

中央公論新社

巻号頁・発行日

2018