著者

織田 裕行 北代 麻美 中平 暁子 吉野 真紀 有木 永子 木下 利彦

雑誌

日本性科学会雑誌 = Japan Journal of Sexology (ISSN:13496654)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, 2004-10-15

著者

山岡 重行 大村 政男 浮谷 秀一

出版者

日本パーソナリティ心理学会

雑誌

日本パーソナリティ心理学会大会発表論文集

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, 2009-11-09

著者

赤井 朱美

出版者

神戸親和女子大学

雑誌

神戸親和女子大学研究論叢 (ISSN:13413104)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.51-61, 2008-03

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本稿ではホームレスに対してどのような法的保障が可能なのか,また憲法的価値に沿ってそれが運用されているのか,実体法がどのように運用されているか等を,主に生活保護法関連法令をもとに解釈論的・立法論的検討を行う。まずホームレスに対して現行法ではどの法律が適用されているのか,行旅病人及行旅死亡人取扱法と生活保護法からその適用要件を見る。次にホームレスに対して現在なされている運用上の問題点,とくになぜ生活保護受給の制限がなされているのかを判例の解釈も参考にして考察する。

著者

岡崎 辰彦 寺田 努 塚本 昌彦

出版者

一般社団法人電子情報通信学会

雑誌

電子情報通信学会技術研究報告. MVE, マルチメディア・仮想環境基礎 (ISSN:09135685)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.38, pp.93-98, 2011-05-06

参考文献数

4

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現在,着ぐるみは様々なイベントで数多く利用されている.しかし,多くの着ぐるみは体の大きさや形が人間と異なっており,着ぐるみ装着者が自分の姿勢を認識することが難しい.また,着ぐるみ装着者の視界は制限されており,周囲の人々の存在を感知しづらく,人々とスムーズにコミュニケーションを行うことが難しい.そのため,着ぐるみ装着者がそのキャラクタらしく振る舞うためには高度な技術や十分な修練が必要となる.そこで本研究では,着ぐるみ装着者がそのキャラクタらしく振る舞うための支援を行う着ぐるみ装着者支援システムを提案する.評価実験の結果から,提案システムを用いることでスムーズなコミュニケーションが行えることを確認した.

著者

川瀬 泰史

出版者

立教大学

雑誌

立教経済学研究 (ISSN:00355356)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.4, pp.23-43, 2005-03-10

著者

植村 恒一郎 Uemura Tsuneichiro

出版者

群馬県立女子大学

雑誌

群馬県立女子大学紀要 (ISSN:02859432)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.143-153, 2014-02

著者

橋本 貴幸 岡田 恒夫 杉原 勝宣 渡邊 敏文 大西 弓恵 豊田 和典 村野 勇 中安 健 小林 公子 伊藤 万里 大山 朋彦 山口 梢

出版者

公益社団法人日本理学療法士協会

雑誌

理学療法学Supplement (ISSN:02893770)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, pp.C0366, 2005

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【はじめに】日本人の生活様式は、広範囲な屈曲可動域を要求されることが多いだけでなく、その特徴の一つに正座がある。深屈曲可動域の定義は、第33回日本人工関節学会において130°以上の屈曲を示すとされている。今回、受傷後理学療法までに4ヶ月以上経過し膝関節伸展拘縮を呈した症例の130°から正座に必要な160°までの屈曲可動域制限因子の特異的所見と理学療法について考察を踏まえ報告する。<BR>【対象】膝関節拘縮に伴い屈曲可動域130°以下の制限を呈した5例5膝(左5膝、内2膝は130°までの授動術を施行)を対象とした。性別は、女性2名、男性3名で平均身長162.4±7.8cm、平均体重58.4±7.2kgであった。<BR>【方法】1)膝関節周径計測(裂隙、膝上5・10・15cm、130°屈曲位膝蓋骨上縁の患側と健側差平均値)2)筋力測定(HORGAN社製MICROFET2を用い膝関節角度0°・90°・130°の伸展力を両側各3回施行し平均値を体重で除し指数化し患側/健側比を比較検討した)統計処理には、t検定を用い危険率5%未満を有意とした。3)130°屈曲位での下腿内旋角度計測(外旋位2点・中間位1点・内旋位0点とし指数化した)4)屈曲130°から正座獲得までの期間の4項目について調べ1)2)3)は膝関節の屈曲角度130°獲得時(以下BF)及び正座獲得時(以下AF)の2回計測し比較検討した。<BR>【結果】1)(BF/ AF)は裂隙(2.4/-1.4)5cm(0.3/0.1)10cm(-1.3/-1.1)15cm(-0.3/0.1)130°屈曲位(4.2/1.5)2)130°の場合のみ有意差を認めた(p<0.05)3) BF平均1.6点、AF平均0点4)正座獲得までの期間119.8±59日であった。<BR>【理学療法】1)浮腫管理2)深屈曲位での伸展筋強化 3)下腿内旋可動域拡大4)膝関節伸展機構及び内外側支持機構、関節内靭帯に対しアプローチした。<BR>【考察】深屈曲可動域獲得には、治療期間の長期化と拘縮による膝関節全体の硬さが制限因子である。特異的所見はBF時の130°における周径増大と伸展力低下、下腿内旋制限の3点が挙げられた。格谷らは、正常な深屈曲キネマティックスは、内顆部の2から5mmのlift-off、外顆部の大腿骨外顆の後方移動と大腿脛骨関節の亜脱臼状態及び外側半月板の可動性、膝蓋骨の遠位大腿骨内顆顆間のはまり込み、脛骨内旋・四頭筋腱顆部接触・fad padによる除圧機構が存在すると報告している。理学療法は、浮腫除去、膝伸展力強化・皮膚・膝伸筋機構・内側・外側構成体の伸張性と滑走性・関節内靭帯(ACL/PCL)の長さの獲得、低負荷持続伸張により全例正座可能となった。特異的所見の改善は正常な深屈曲キネマティックスを可能としその運動学的特徴を考慮することが深屈曲可動域獲得に重要である。

著者

藤木 平八郎

出版者

海人社

雑誌

世界の艦船

巻号頁・発行日

no.597, pp.69-73, 2002-06

著者

奥中 康人

出版者

The Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Toyo Ongaku Gakkai, TOG)

雑誌

東洋音楽研究 (ISSN:00393851)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.1-17,L1, 2005

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Western military music or the drum and fife corps was diffused in every corner of the earth with expansion of colonization in the late 19th century. It was not the art music but the new technology of maintaining the order in an army, especially in drill of an infantry. Since this technology was often mixed with different cultures of music, it assimilated into local community. In Japan, a number of Western-style drum corps with Japanese bamboo flute were founded in the end of Edo period.<br>In the first part of this paper, I made clear the social context and role of drum and drummer in a platoon <i>Yamaguni</i>-<i>tai</i> which was organized voluntarily to enter into the Boshin Civil War (1868). The leader Itsuki Fujino's daily war report serves to attain this purpose. Because the drum call and march were essential to the stable operation of modern tactics, they must be trained elaboratively during the War under the signal of drummer boy, who was employed from outside. Snare drum made them develop their physical ability as soldiers. Just before the end of the War members of <i>Yamaguni</i>-<i>tai</i> had learned how to play the snare drum or flute in order to participate in a triumphant return from Edo to Kyoto. They handed down two repertories for this parade on the next generation: "<i>Koshinkyoku</i> [March]" and "<i>Reishiki</i> [Ceremony], " which would have represented the legitimacy of the new Meiji Government backing up the Mikado.<br>In the second part, I focused on their drumming. Although at the present time <i>Yamaguni</i>-<i>tai</i> dresses in period military costume and blows pentatonic melodies on the bamboo flutes, we can point out some evidences enough to prove that their playing manner have its roots on Western music. In <i>Yamaguni</i>-<i>tai</i> the performance has been memorized by means of the onomatopoeic words and graphic notation for drum. Based on careful observation and analysis of their presentation, it is obvious that these two tools indicated exactly player's bodily movements of both arms rather than the sound itself. This onomatopoeia including "<i>Hororon</i>" (=once five stroke roll) and "<i>En Tei</i>" (=twice flam; "<i>En Tei</i>" is derive from Dutch "een twee") corresponds to well-known drum exercises for stick control: Drum Rudiments. For that reason we can conclude <i>Yamaguni</i>-<i>tai</i> to be a fine example of acculturation of Western Music in Japan. It should be stressed that they have been able to continue their oral tradition since the Meiji Restoration just because of unawareness of the origin of their own drum method. If we tried to translate their music into Western musical notation which was familiar to us, their physical movements could never survive no longer.

著者

中村 廣治郎

出版者

日本宗教学会

雑誌

宗教研究 (ISSN:03873293)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.4, pp.1422-1423, 2010

著者

谷原 吏

出版者

三田社会学会

雑誌

三田社会学 (ISSN:13491458)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.64-77, 2020-11

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1. 問題の所在と扱う作品群2. 先行研究と本稿の方法3. 『三等重役』及び「社長シリーズ」 : <出世主義>と<家族主義>4. 『ニッポン無責任時代』及び「日本一シリーズ」 : <能力主義>との共振5. 本稿の結論と意義論文

著者

渡邊 拓哉

出版者

名古屋大学

巻号頁・発行日

2012

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名古屋大学博士学位論文 学位の種類 : 博士(学術)(課程) 学位授与年月日:平成24年7月31日

著者

佐々木 克

出版者

奈良大学史学会

雑誌

奈良史学 (ISSN:02894874)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.1-37, 2010

著者

中地 幸

出版者

都留文科大学

雑誌

都留文科大学研究紀要 (ISSN:02863774)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.67-81, 2006

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Hurricane Katrina caused extensive damages to the Delta area including New Orleans. It was devastating for people who need special health care, especially pregnant women. They are considered one of the most vulnerable populations because they are susceptible to infections. It is no wonder that many writers are interested in pregnant women when they describe flood disasters in their novels. Both William Faulkner and Richard Wright wrote about pregnant women during the time of the Mississippi flood of 1927 in their works. In this paper, I would like to examine the descriptions of pregnant women by both writers, focusing on women's reproductive health issues in the 1920s and 1930s.

著者

安冨 歩

出版者

京都大学

巻号頁・発行日

1997

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論経博第198号

著者

佐々木 史郎

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1997

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.

著者

室田 信一

出版者

日本福祉教育・ボランティア学習学会

雑誌

日本福祉教育・ボランティア学習学会研究紀要

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.36-45, 2014-07-30

著者

釜野 さおり

出版者

クィア学会

雑誌

論叢クィア (ISSN:18832164)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.63-81, 2012

著者

日本民主青年同盟東大同盟委員会

出版者

日本共産党中央委員会

雑誌

前衛 (ISSN:13425013)

巻号頁・発行日

no.643, pp.p91-105, 1994-02

著者

大橋 直義

出版者

実践国文学会

雑誌

實踐國文學 (ISSN:03899756)

巻号頁・発行日

no.100, pp.42-47, 2021-10